全文获取类型
收费全文 | 227篇 |
免费 | 4篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 24篇 |
世界政治 | 24篇 |
外交国际关系 | 4篇 |
法律 | 100篇 |
中国政治 | 21篇 |
政治理论 | 58篇 |
出版年
2019年 | 2篇 |
2015年 | 2篇 |
2014年 | 4篇 |
2013年 | 17篇 |
2012年 | 10篇 |
2011年 | 22篇 |
2010年 | 15篇 |
2009年 | 6篇 |
2008年 | 6篇 |
2007年 | 12篇 |
2006年 | 4篇 |
2005年 | 5篇 |
2004年 | 2篇 |
2003年 | 6篇 |
2002年 | 4篇 |
2001年 | 2篇 |
2000年 | 2篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1998年 | 2篇 |
1997年 | 2篇 |
1996年 | 3篇 |
1995年 | 8篇 |
1994年 | 4篇 |
1993年 | 2篇 |
1992年 | 2篇 |
1991年 | 2篇 |
1990年 | 5篇 |
1989年 | 3篇 |
1988年 | 6篇 |
1987年 | 3篇 |
1986年 | 3篇 |
1985年 | 5篇 |
1984年 | 4篇 |
1982年 | 5篇 |
1981年 | 6篇 |
1980年 | 3篇 |
1979年 | 2篇 |
1978年 | 4篇 |
1977年 | 4篇 |
1976年 | 2篇 |
1975年 | 3篇 |
1974年 | 3篇 |
1973年 | 2篇 |
1972年 | 2篇 |
1970年 | 2篇 |
1967年 | 2篇 |
1964年 | 2篇 |
1958年 | 1篇 |
1957年 | 1篇 |
1956年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有231条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
Using international data for 100 countries, we test two hypotheses derived from Bonger's Marxian theory of crime. The analyses support the hypothesis that the degree of capitalism significantly predicts homicide rates, but they fail to confirm that the de‐moralization of the population (loss of moral feelings for others) mediates the relationship between capitalism and homicide. Although capitalism is not the best predictor among those considered, overall, the results underline the importance of Bonger's ideas because both capitalism and corruption (our indicator of de‐moralization) show reasonably strong relationships with homicide rates and compete with other variables commonly used as predictors of international homicide rates. The results confirm the usefulness of attempting to subject Marxian ideas to positivist, quantitative tests, with an eye to integrating Marxian theories with other mainstream theories, such as institutional anomie theory. 相似文献
2.
3.
4.
Abstract: Recent U.S. House elections have challenged existing models of congressional elections, raising the question of whether or not processes thought to govern previous elections are still at work. Taking Marra and Ostrom's (1989) model of congressional elections as representative of extant theoretical perspectives and testing it against recent elections, we find that the model fails. We augment Marra and Ostrom's model with new insights, constructing a model that explains elections from 1950 to 1998. We find that, although presidential approval ratings and major political events continue to drive congressional elections, the distribution of open seats must also be taken into account. 相似文献
5.
6.
Recent British work has focused attention on preventing repeat victimization as part of an overall crime prevention strategy. Because domestic violence victims are among those most likely to suffer multiple victimizations, they are logical candidates for programs targeted at reducing repeat victimization.
This article reports on a joint law enforcement-social services approach to reduce the incidence of repeat domestic violence. The research design randomly assigned households reporting domestic incidents within two public housing police service areas in New York to receive or not receive a follow-up to the initial patrol response. (The follow-up visit was conducted by a police officer and a social worker.) In addition, housing projects in the same area were randomly assigned to receive or not receive public education about domestic violence.
Neither treatment produced a reduction in violence. However, households in projects that had received public education and households that received the follow-up visits were both more likely to report new violence to the police than households that did not receive the treatments. Moreover, the effect of the follow-up visit was most pronounced among households with more serious histories of violence. The results suggest that the interventions increased citizens' confidence in the ability of the police to handle domestic situations. 相似文献
This article reports on a joint law enforcement-social services approach to reduce the incidence of repeat domestic violence. The research design randomly assigned households reporting domestic incidents within two public housing police service areas in New York to receive or not receive a follow-up to the initial patrol response. (The follow-up visit was conducted by a police officer and a social worker.) In addition, housing projects in the same area were randomly assigned to receive or not receive public education about domestic violence.
Neither treatment produced a reduction in violence. However, households in projects that had received public education and households that received the follow-up visits were both more likely to report new violence to the police than households that did not receive the treatments. Moreover, the effect of the follow-up visit was most pronounced among households with more serious histories of violence. The results suggest that the interventions increased citizens' confidence in the ability of the police to handle domestic situations. 相似文献
7.
8.
9.
SOCIAL TRUST,IMPARTIAL ADMINISTRATION AND PUBLIC CONFIDENCE IN EU CRISIS MANAGEMENT INSTITUTIONS
下载免费PDF全文
![点击此处可从《Public administration》网站下载免费的PDF全文](/ch/ext_images/free.gif)
In this article, we investigate whether differences in social trust and impartial public administration have an impact on public confidence in EU crisis management institutions. Our assessment is based on a cross‐country comparison using aggregate country‐level data of the member states in the European Union. Earlier studies on the EU as a crisis manager have not carefully studied to what extent differences in social trust and administrative culture may or may not matter. Our analysis shows that in countries where citizens are treated impartially by their own national public administration institutions, people are less likely to support EU‐coordinated civil protection efforts. In contrast, in places where citizens perceive their government's treatment of them as partial and unfair, citizens will tend to support EU‐coordinated civil protection. 相似文献
10.