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Thirty years on, and in the context of our own crisis, it is perhaps useful to take stock of the last Winter of Discontent. The industrial strife that beset the Callaghan government in the winter of 1978/79 was seen at the time as a key factor in Labour's defeat in the general election of 1979; but its legacy is considerable and its significance enduring. These four themed essays come from a public seminar at the British Academy to mark the thirtieth anniversary of the Winter of Discontent. Colin Hay argues that the Winter of Discontent was, in key respects, a manufactured crisis lived, experienced and responded to through a very particular construction of the events that is difficult to reconcile with the evidence itself. Reponses by Lords Baker, Lea and Lipsey follow and the section concludes with a transcribed and edited version of the lively discussion which ensued.  相似文献   
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COMPARING THE UCR AND NCS OVER TIME   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
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Recent criticisms of sexual harassment law and workplace training policies contend that they have "sanitized" the workplace through their stigmatization of sexual expression that does not amount to actual discrimination. This study assesses some of the empirical foundations for those normative arguments. Using data from the U.S. Merit Systems Protection Board's 1987 and 1994 surveys, we examine differences over time in federal workers' perceptions of what types of behavior constitute sexual harassment. The article draws on a sociolegal theory of the endogenous nature of law as well as research on perceptions of sexual harassment. We hypothesize that, because of increased attention to sexual harassment, and to the hostile environment theory specifically, by scholars, judges, and the news media, and related policy changes in workplace training programs, federal workers likely came to view a wider range of sexual conduct as constituting harassment during this time period. The results support our expectations. We also find that sexual harassment training in their agency increased workers' likelihood of viewing both hostile environment behavior and quid pro quo behavior as harassment.  相似文献   
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Previous studies have established a strong relationship between state politics and policies and have documented the role of state politics in the recruitment of federal judges. This study uses indicators of the political. policy, and socioeconomic characteristics of the American states to explain variance in the severity of sentences rendered in 1970 cases involving violation of the Selective Service Act. The findings reveal that a substantial proportion of the sentencing variation in these cases is associated with the political, policy, and socioeconomic environments of the state in which the case is adjudicated. Consistent with mast of the literature on state policy variance, it is found that the socioeconomic environment is a more effective predictor than either state politics or policy.  相似文献   
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The effects of police employment on index violent trim rates and index property crime rates are studied using a maximum likelihood technique to estimate two-wave multivariate panel models. Separate analyses are carried out for a sample of 252 U.S. suburbs and for a sample of 269 U.S. cities for the years 1960 and 1970.  相似文献   
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This paper offers an explanation for rates of fatal firearm accidents in terms of confidence in collectively provided justice and security. It describes the collective security model and presents an analysis of time-series data from Detroit which supports it: accidental gunshot deaths varied positively with violent crime and civil disturbances and negatively with the allocation of resources to the police. Finally, it discusses some implications for research design and social policy.  相似文献   
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