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1.
Andrea Ribeiro Hoffmann 《Democratization》2019,26(5):815-831
ABSTRACTThis article analyses negotiations on democracy promotion by looking at the case of the Inter-American Democratic Charter. It argues that Venezuela contested the concept of representative democracy during the Charter negotiations, advancing the notion of “participatory and protagonist democracy” and that, even if it was unsuccessful in its demands, the country contributed to deepening the debate on the concept of democracy, on which there is far from worldwide consensus. The article suggests that the main drivers of the negotiation process and the final agreement were domestic political changes in Venezuela, specific features of the negotiations, and the structural position of Venezuela in the field of democracy promotion in the global and regional contexts, which were, at the time, favourable to a compromising attitude to conclusion of the Charter, even if not to the concept of democracy. 相似文献
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Greaven Sonia H. Santor Darcy A. Thompson Richard Zuroff David C. 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2000,29(6):631-646
Most research on self-handicapping has focused on adults. Only a few studies have examined self-handicapping in adolescents or the particular characteristics of the family environment that are associated with self-handicapping. Adolescents (N = 141) and their mothers completed a series of questionnaires assessing adolescent self-handicapping, adolescent dysphoria, and parenting variables in mothers, including parenting styles (care and overprotection) and parenting stress due to situational variables, parent–child dysfunctional interactions, and behavioral characteristics of the child. Results showed (a) that self-handicapping was positively related to age in girls, but not in boys, (b) that there was a strong relation between self-handicapping and dysphoria in both boys and girls, (c) that mother-rated care negatively predicted self-handicapping in girls beyond the effects due to girls' dysphoria, and (d) that maternal care moderated the relationship between self-handicapping and dysphoria in boys. Maternal care and depressive affect in young persons are independently related to self-handicapping behaviors in adolescents. Results are discussed in terms of implications for the hypothesized etiology of self-handicapping. 相似文献
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A Portuguese Caucasian population of 146 unrelated individuals was studied. DNA samples were amplified by multiplex PCR for D3S1358, vWA, FGA, D8S1179, D21S11, D18S51, D5S818, D13S317 and D7S820 using the AmpFlSTR Profiler Plus PCR Amplification Kit (Perkin-Elmer). All loci met Hardy-Weinberg expectations. Forensic statistical parameters were according to those obtained by other authors. Statistical differences were observed concerning three loci when comparing the Portuguese Caucasian population and an Italian Caucasian population, although these differences mainly concern the less frequent alleles. Eighty-three paternity investigation cases were analysed. Exclusions in between three and nine loci were observed in all the 23 exclusion cases obtained. Most of the non-exclusion cases had probability of paternity > 99.9%. Two cases with an isolated genetic incompatibility between the alleged father and the child were detected, which may indicate probable mutation cases. These results demonstrate that the AmpFlSTR Profiler Plus is a suitable multiplex for paternity investigation in the Portuguese population. 相似文献
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The controversial 26 per cent salary increase voted for by MPs in July 1996 re-ignited the vexed issue of politicians and pay. This paper firstly develops a framework to review the history of MPs' pay. Secondly, an empirical examination is undertaken with regard to its value relative to prices and earnings, the ruling political party and the overall period disaggregated by decade. This suggests that MPs have been more successful insulating themselves against the ravages of inflation than changes in earnings and that the party in power appears to be influential. 相似文献
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Robert Emmett Darcy 《Political Behavior》1980,2(2):147-161
By reexamining the structure of political attitudes among Americans in the period 1956–72, using both the items and coding scheme as given inThe Changing American Voter (1976) by Nie and his associates and using only domestic attitude items, but including all available responses, we have found that the major type of change between the 1950s and the 1970s is not an increase in internal constraint (ideological thinking of any sort) but an increase in political attitude polarization. Further, this analysis indicates that when interitem associations are used to measure constraints present in the entire population, a major source of political attitude constraint is ignored—the constraints present within the social, political and demographic groupings within the society. The major types of attitude constraints in our society are likely to be external to the attitudes themselves. Understanding electoral outcomes will necessitate understanding the nature of electoral coalitions formed across social and political groupings. 相似文献
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Karen Oehme Darcy Clay Siebert Carl F. Siebert Nat Stern Colby Valentine Elizabeth Donnelly 《Family Court Review》2011,49(1):84-106
Florida's innovative Law Enforcement Families Partnership (LEFP) was created to reduce and prevent officer‐involved domestic violence in the state. Administered by the Institute for Family Violence Studies at Florida State University and supported by the criminal justice and victim's advocacy communities, the LEFP is the first statewide project of its kind. It includes several components, the cornerstone of which is an online curriculum that teaches officers about the dynamics and consequences of domestic violence perpetrated by officers. This article describes the project and early data from the surveys attached to the curriculum. 相似文献