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FTA Cards (GE Healthcare) have been used for more than 4 years in Denmark for the collection of buccal cells as reference samples in crime cases. Semi-automated protocols for STR typing of DNA on punches of FTA Cards are routinely used. In average, full STR profiles were generated from approximately 95% of the FTA Cards with a standard punching protocol, while partial or no STR profile were obtained from 5% of the samples. Here, the Qiagen BioRobot® EZ1 Workstation (Qiagen) and the EZ1 DNA Investigator Kit (Qiagen) was used to extract DNA from 29 FTA Cards from which a complete STR profile was not generated with the standard punching protocol. All 29 samples were successfully typed with the AmpF?STR® Identifiler™ PCR Amplification Kit (Applied Biosystems) and with the SNPforID 49plex SNP assay. The lowest amount of DNA that resulted in complete STR and SNP profiles was 80 pg. The STR and SNP profiles were identical to those generated from another sample collected from each of the 29 individuals.  相似文献   
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With the increasing spread of information technologies and their potential to filter content, some have argued that people will abandon the reading of dissenting political opinions in favor of material that is closely aligned with their own ideological position. We test this theory empirically by analyzing—both quantitatively and qualitatively—Web links among the writings of top conservative and liberal bloggers. Given our use of novel methods, we discuss in detail our sampling and data collection methodologies. We find that widely read political bloggers are much more likely to link to others who share their political views. However, we find no increase in this pattern over time. We also analyze the content of the links and find that while many of the links are based on straw-man arguments, bloggers across the political spectrum also address each others’ writing substantively, both in agreement and disagreement.  相似文献   
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David Miller’s political philosophy of immigration employs two complementary argumentative strategies to challenge open border theories. The first strategy is to defeat the principled case for open borders, such as the global equality of opportunity argument for more lax immigration control. The second strategy is to establish the democratic community’s prima facie right to determine the shape of its future, including membership and the right to exclude. First, I argue that Miller’s conception of global equality of opportunity is overly narrow and that his objections to the principle, to the metric and to what counts as feasible political action misfire against other, more plausible, accounts. Second, I argue that his democratic interpretation of collective self-determination does not solve the pressing question concerning the morally justified scope and content of self-determination and the moral limits of the right to exclude. I conclude by questioning Miller’s general strategy: whether theories of immigration should be engaged in an exercise of shifting the burden of proof between open and closed borders. By contrast, I argue that a more desirable task for the political philosophy of immigration is to find ways in which the joint requirement of global equality of opportunity and collective self-determination can be coherently upheld.  相似文献   
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Abstract

This study evaluates the outcomes of short interagency training courses provided by six Local Safeguarding Children Boards in England. The aim was to develop practical skills in recognising and responding to the needs of children with harmful sexual behaviour in an interagency context. The courses all employed interactive learning and teaching methods as well as presentations of case studies, research findings and statutory guidance. Professionals (n=147) from a range of agencies participated in the evaluation. Their attitudes, knowledge and self-confidence were assessed using a specially designed 20-item self-report scale. Scores at registration 6 weeks in advance and at the start and end of the course were compared in a double-baseline, time–series design. There was strong evidence of overall improvements in scores on most of the scale items, which are attributable to the course. However, concerns are also raised about the small numbers of criminal justice professionals participating compared to child welfare professionals.  相似文献   
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Asia Europe Journal - The aim of this paper is to assess the main features of Chinese and Indian investments in Hungary and the role of the Hungarian Government’s Eastern Opening policy in...  相似文献   
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A total of 157 unrelated individuals residing in Slovenia were typed for 49 of the autosomal single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) in the SNPforID 52plex with the SNaPshot® assay. We obtained full SNP profiles in all but one individual and perfect concordance was obtained in duplicated analyses. Allele frequencies are presented for the 49 SNPs. No deviation from HWE was observed for any SNP. FIS and FST were estimated. A principal coordinate analysis performed on six populations (Slovenian, Danish, Somali, Greenland, Turkish and Chinese) showed that the Slovenian population grouped with the Danish population. The mean power of discrimination for the Slovenian population was 1.1 × 10−19, and the mean exclusion probability for trios was 99.96%.  相似文献   
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Although the repression and elimination of Roma from Hungarian society in the 1940s did not reach the same extent as in the German and Austrian part of the Third Reich, their characterization as lazy and work-shy, used to justify their persecution, was similar. This paper establishes the presence of racial hygienic discourse related to Roma during the late 1930s and the first half of the 1940s in Hungary, and traces its survival and influence on regional policy-making in the postwar period. It furthermore explores the transformation and adaptation of racism and eugenics to the socialist ideology of equality based on citizens’ participation in productive work in the early state socialist period, including the first Party declaration on the situation of Roma in Hungary in 1961. Specific attention is paid to the role of medical experts who discussed the “radical solution of the Gypsy-question” in the early 1940s and the immediate years following World War II. Reflecting on wider transformations of racism in the postcolonial and post-World War II period in Europe and North America, the paper contributes to scholarship that complicates the evaluation of the state socialist past, including the connection between medicine and politics in Cold War Europe.  相似文献   
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