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The article suggests a relational concept of fundamental rights.This concept enhances the «functional» rôleplayed by some of the rights in the system of a state governedby the rule of law, rather than an ethical universality or asubstantial content coinciding with any list of «human»rights. Fundamental rights belong to the fundamental (ideal, substanticeand normative) criteria of recognition/selection of actions and normain the institutional/normative practice of a legal order. Given thispremise, the work analyses some relevant issues: universal-fundamentalnexus, property rights, liberty rights, social rights. Fundamentalrights refuse any rigid classification which identifies anddistinguishes among them on the basis of their fixed doctrinal structure: universal rights vs. non universal ones, property vs.liberty rights, social rights as rights to state services. Theseclassifications miss the real point about fundamental rights,which are to protect interest and values of individuals sociallydeemed worth of the best legal efforts in the most effective approach. 相似文献
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Suicidal or Homicidal Sharp Force Injuries? A Review and Critical Analysis of the Heterogeneity in the Forensic Literature
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Fabio De-Giorgio M.D. Ph.D. Maria Lodise M.D. Gianluigi Quaranta M.D. Ph.D. Antonio G. Spagnolo M.D. Ernesto d'Aloja M.D. Ph.D. Vincenzo L. Pascali M.D. Ph.D. Vincenzo M. Grassi M.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2015,60(Z1):S97-S107
The differential diagnosis between self-inflicted and nonself-inflicted, suicidal and homicidal, injuries is difficult or impossible in many cases and, above all, cannot be made on the basis of information obtained solely from the autopsy or the medicolegal clinical examination. The purpose of this study is to analyze the literature on suicidal and homicidal sharp force injuries and identify the relevant parameters that may help differentiate between suicidal and homicidal deaths. To achieve this goal, a review of 595 potentially relevant articles was performed. After excluding the nonrelevant papers by screening the titles, all abstracts were reviewed, and articles meeting the inclusion criteria underwent a full-text review. The following parameters were compiled into a table: number of cases, localization of the injuries, and number of injuries. The data were statistically analyzed and compared with those available in the forensic literature. On the basis of the heterogeneity of data revealed by the present review, a simple and short checklist of the parameters that should be included when reporting suicides and homicides by sharp force has been proposed. 相似文献
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Gianluigi Galeotti 《Public Choice》1994,80(3-4):359-370
This paper contends the main virtue conventionally attributed to proportional electoral rules (i.e., effective representation of political views). It discusses a number of shortcomings that lead too much proportionality to a self-defeat: it reduces vote mobility through the strong cultivation of voters' loyalties; it smooths out vote variations when transforming them into seat variations; it reinforces intraparty ties to the detriment of vertical attention to constituents and it impinges on the working of checks-and-balances. The paper does not aim at a systematic evaluation of the properties of various voting systems, nor is it the proportional principle as such that is under attack. However, its combination with other institutional features can entrap voters in their own choices, thus nurturing political collusion. It is because of the ensuing lower influence of the voters on political decision-making that too much proportionality can lead to poor representation. 相似文献
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M. Irene Prete Gianluigi Guido Marco Pichierri Phil Harris 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2018,18(4):e1707
This article aims to develop a scale for measuring political hypocrisy (conceptualized as the inconsistency between values publicly expressed by politicians and the behavior they actually demonstrate) and to explore the role of age in voters' perceptions of politicians' hypocrisy, analyzing if citizens belonging to different age groups may identify politicians' hypocrisy with a different detail. Results show that the 19-item scale of political hypocrisy—composed of three dimensions, called “ambiguity,” “slyness,” and “deceit”—has good psychometric properties, and that age-related differences when measuring political hypocrisy do exist (young voters show a greater awareness of the hypocritical behavior held by politicians). Furthermore, results suggest that the perception of political hypocrisy may vary according both to voters' political orientation and voting intention. 相似文献
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Gianluigi Giorgioni 《Journal of contemporary African studies : JCAS》2019,37(4):379-403
ABSTRACTAlthough the CFA monetary union is not an ‘optimal’ currency area as such, it has allowed member countries to benefit from the convertibility guaranteed by the French Treasury and from enhanced policy credibility in achieving low inflation rates.Both benefits may be under threat. The convertibility is under threat due to the harder budgetary commitments imposed on France by its membership of the Eurozone and the dwindling political interest in the CFA Franc Zone shown in France.The policy credibility is becoming costlier as evidenced by output-inflation trade-offs, which, although still more favourable than in comparable sub-Saharan African countries, have been declining since the 1994 devaluation period. 相似文献
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Journal of Chinese Political Science - Based on political and historical sources and on the analysis of Chinese presence within international organizations, this article aims at showing the... 相似文献
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