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Cost‐benefit models of career choice predict that potential legislators choose legislative careers when they expect greater utility from legislative service than from other options. In state legislatures, the utility of legislative service includes the monetary value of outside careers. I hypothesize that legislators are more likely to pursue outside careers when financial opportunity costs are higher or when they derive less non‐monetary value from legislative service. In particular, I posit that individual characteristics that predict labor market value (such as age, education, race, and sex) and legislative salary predict outside careers. I test this model employing a new dataset of individual outside‐career activity derived from financial disclosure reports. The findings strongly support the hypothesis that outside‐career behavior is a function of the financial opportunity costs of legislative service. In addition, I find that Republicans are more likely to hold outside careers than are Democrats. This research has important implications for the study of state legislative participation, legislative organization, and the Democratic bias hypothesis.  相似文献   
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J. P. Rushton has done research indicating that predominantly black nations have higher rates of violent crime than predominantly white nations, which have higher rates than predominantly Asian nations. He attributes these differences to constitutional, inheritable factors on which the races vary. This article discusses the numerous problems with Rushton's use of international crime data and analysis, foremost of which are his use of one-way analysis of variance and lack of consideration of other causes of variation. Regression analysis-including dummy race variables and other relevant explanatory variables-indicates no significant association between race and cross-national homicide rates, the best and probably only valid indicator of cross-national variation in violent crime. This is the case whether reanalyzing Rush-ton's data or analyzing properly adjusted, inspected, and selected homicide rates.  相似文献   
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The purpose of this paper is to analyze the impact of the 1983 British seat belt law in England and Wales. The methodology employed is interrupted time series analysis.
In terms of a lasting impact, the seat belt legislation for automobiles compares favorably with other interventions designed to decrease deaths and injuries on the road, such as legislation to control drinking and driving. Typically, such legislation is effective only in the short term. In contrast, the seat belt law thus far shows a stronger and more lasting shift in the reduction of serious and fatal car casualties. The post intervention decline in this variable is stronger than a control series that consists of the number of fatal and serious non-car casualties. A more marginal reduction is found for non-serious car casualties even though this drop in injuries is slightly stronger than a control category of nonserious non-car casualties. The paper suggests also that the seat belt legislation may have had a short term effect on the number of fatal and serious accidents on weekend nights, the period of time during which alcohol-related crashes are most likely to occur.
The policy implications of this study suggest that with comparable compliance, such an intervention may similarly be effective in the United States and other Western countries which up to now have used primarily deterrence-based approaches to reduce highway casualties.  相似文献   
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