Explaining Privatization: Notes Towards a Predictive Theory

This article starts from the assumption that some of the theoretical work used to explain welfare-state expansion can be used 'in reverse' to explain privatization, here seen as welfare state contraction, i.e., the transfer from the public to the private sector of the responsibility for certain activities involved in welfare provision. To this end, valiants of the 'power resources' approach are examined. Finding that the 'labour movement' thesis does not have a strong predictive value, I then discuss the 'game theoretical' variant of the 'power resources' approach. Its usefulness for predicting privatization patterns seems limited because of the reductionism built into it. Following the neo-Institutionalists' argument that actor preferences and strategies both reflect and form institutional arrangements of the welfare state, some institutional typologies are developed which are relevant to the course and patterns of privatization. An ideal-type dichotomy between 'pluralist' and 'corporatist' institutions is discussed, in connection with a further delineation of decision-making, financing, and implementing structures. In conclusion, an effort is made to combine actor-oriented and institutional approaches to formulate some preliminary predictions about when and where certain patterns of privatization will occur.     

Strength of belief and risk

The purpose of this paper is to review work on subjective probability and strength of belief, in particular with reference to situations involving a high degree of risk. Work concerned mostly with cognitive limitations and shortcomings is discussed and some implications for societal responses to risky technology are offered. It is concluded that there is, in the literature on subjective probability, a lack of work on small probabilities and on the emotional influence of belief formation to be expected in situations that are related to large social values.This study was supported by a grant from the Committee for Future Oriented Research, Stockholm, Sweden.     

Who Represents the Constituency? Online Political Communication by Members of Parliament in the German Mixed-Member Electoral System

Members of parliament (MPs) are elected via two different tiers in mixed-member electoral systems—as winners of a seat in a constituency or as party candidates under proportional rules. While previous research has identified important consequences of this “mandate divide” in parliaments, questions remain how this institutional setup affects MPs' political behavior in other arenas. Analyzing more than one million social media posts, this article investigates regional representation in the online communication of German MPs. The results show that MPs elected under a direct mandate refer approximately twice as often to their constituencies by using regionalized wording and geographic references than MPs elected under the proportional tier. The substantive findings provide new evidence for the benefits of mixed-member electoral systems for political representation while the methodological approach demonstrates the added value of social media data for analyzing the political behavior of elites.     

Moral judgement,cognitive distortions and empathy in incarcerated delinquent and community control adolescents

Abstract

Immature moral judgements, cognitive distortions and low empathy could contribute to criminal offending and are often targeted in interventions aimed at reducing risk of recidivism. We compared 58 delinquent 13–18-year-olds, incarcerated in youth homes in Sweden (29 males, 29 females) with 58 (29 males, 29 females) community control adolescents individually matched on age, gender, ethnicity and socio-economic position. Self-report questionnaires examined moral judgement, cognitive distortions, and empathy. Delinquent adolescents exhibited less mature moral judgements and more cognitive distortions than control adolescents. However, no association between delinquency status and self-reported empathy was found. In addition, girls reported more mature moral judgements, less cognitive distortions and more empathy than boys did. Moral judgement and empathy were positively correlated and both measures were negatively correlated with cognitive distortions. Our data support the idea that moral judgement and cognitive distortions are important treatment targets for juvenile delinquents, whereas empathy may be less meaningful to address directly.     

Regional Aspects of the Perceptions of Political-Party Attachment in Sweden: Notes on Some Implications of Social Change1

Using confirmatory factor analysis of nine survey perception items the author tests hypotheses - derived from general theories in the field of electoral behavior- regarding fundamental latent structures of perceptions of party choice and party attachment in four types of Swedish environment defined by different degrees of urbanization. Significantly different structures have to be specified indicating greater group-dependent affective attachments in rural areas and attachments of greater dependence on the party-program contexts in urban districts. In the second and third sections of the paper these results are further explored through the construction of dichotomized typologies of voters. Loglinear analysis reveals that differences between environments, as with typologies, can be fully interpreted and explained by demographic and educational differences in the composition of the electorate. Provided that the different composition has been brought about by general urbanization, the results seem to indicate the political effects of social change that can be further emphasized in the future.     

Implementation from Above: The Ecology of Power in Sweden's Environmental Governance

This paper seeks to assess the tenability of Rhodes' view of the "new governance" as "governing without government," as well as the validity of Pierre and Peters' assertions that the state is still at the center of structures and processes of governance. The case used for analysis is Sweden's ecological modernization and the implementation of Local Investment Programs for Sustainable Development. This case provides a crucial test of the contradictory propositions of Rhodes and Pierre and Peters. Contrary to Rhodes' assertions, central government held the initiative in the process of implementing Sweden's ecological modernization. In line with the arrguments of Pierre and Peters central government created new structures and processes of governance to keep its initiative over constitutionally independent expert agencies and municipal governments—exactly those actors that, in Rhodes' view, could make central governmental steering well nigh impossible. As the paper illustrates, what government gains in direct control over the process, it may well lose in terms of the end results. The case of "new governance" analyzed here thus directs attention to the critical interplay between structure, process, and end results, and to government's role in governance.     

Class and Politics in Denmark: Are Both Old and New Politics Structured by Class?

The trend within studies of voting and political attitudes has been to give less attention to class as a structuring dimension and more to postmaterial values. The basic argument of this article is that this is a false opposition: The adherence to different sets of values is related to social background, although in complex ways, which can only be discovered with a multidimensional conception of class. This conception may be found in Pierre Bourdieu's analytical approach, which is here applied in an analysis of survey data from the Danish city of Aalborg. Data from a survey of political attitudes are subjected to multiple correspondence analysis (MCA), which reveals a pattern of attitudes that is highly structured by both the old and the new dimensions of politics. Up to this point, the results converge with the state of the art. However, the methodology utilised (MCA) allows one to link the constructed space of attitudes to a set of indicators based on a two-dimensional conception of social class. On the basis of this analysis, the article concludes that the political landscape appears as highly structured by the two principles of social differentiation from Bourdieu's class model: volume and composition of capital. The conclusion is that social class understood in this way is closely related to both old and new politics, as well as to the propensity to vote for a political party from the left- or right-wing alliance.     

Do political structures matter in environmental politics? The case of air pollution control in Canada,Sweden, and the United States

Abstract. The point of departure of this study is the question whether differences in political structures also lead to differences in the policy alternatives selected for practical use. The study examines the influence of federal/unitary, parliamentary/balance-of-power, and administrative/judicial structural aspects on the selection of policy alternatives for air pollution control in Canada, Sweden, and the United States. The examination indicates that these structural differences have had an influence on the choices of such policy elements as (a) the basic approach to pollution control, (b) the distribution of authority among different levels of government, (c) the methods of enforcement, and (d) public participation. As a result of these influences, considerable differences exist between the three countries with regard to air pollution control policy. This is all the more remarkable in view of the similarity of the problem of air pollution and the availability of similar techniques for pollution control in all industrialized countries. The paper ends with an outline of an ‘ideal’ policy of air pollution control, and discusses the structural problems of all three countries with regard to the adoption of such an ‘ideal’ policy. Sommaire. Le point de départ de cette étude, c'est la question des différences structurales politiques, si elles produisent aussi des différences de choix politiques pratiques. L'étude examine l'influence des aspects structuraux du gouvernement tels que les systèmes féderal/unitaire, parlementaire/équilibre des puissances, et administratif/judicial sur le choix de politiques destinées à réglementer la pollution de l'air au Canada, en Suède, et aux Etats-Unis. Une telle examination indique que ces différences de structures politiques ont exercé une influence sur le choix d'une politique de base, la division d'autorité entre divers niveaux gouvernementaux, les méthodes de réglementation, et la participation publique. Le résultat, c'est qu'il existe des différences considkrables entre les trois pays à l'egard de la réglernentation de la pollution de l'air — ce qui est curieux, étant donné la ressemblance des problèmes et la diffusion de pareilles techniques de réglementation dans toutes les nations industrialisées. La conclusion de ce papier, du point de vue d'une politique idéale de réglementation, c'est qu'aucun des pays possède une structure tout à fait propre à résoudre le problème de la réglementation de la pollution de l'air.     

Attitudes toward technology and risk: Going beyond what is immediately given

In this paper, perceived risk and attitudes toward technology are considered in a wide contextual perspective. Risk perception data are related to technology and technology attributes, in particular with respect to the possibility of replacing a technology, to the belief that it may have as yet unknown effects, and have effects involving a destructive relationship with Nature. These contextual characteristics of a hazard are shown empirically to add powerful explanatory force to models of risk perception of attitudes toward technology. The risk concept is then further differentiated. Risk as a property of an activity is distinguished from risk as a property of an unwanted consequence (injury), the latter being clearly more important for policy attitudes. It is also found that the operational definition of risk and trust is an important factor in determining the relationship between these two concepts. Detailed study of gene technology and nuclear power showed that these hazards were particularly amenable to mapping with risk perception concepts of the kind applied here. In the case of gene technology it was also found that consumer intentions displayed much the same risk perception dynamics as policy attitudes.