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Abstract

Placed against the backdrop of the recent war in Lebanon, this original analysis of the PLO rests upon the conviction that this movement is not merely a military‐political body, but is a kind of “religious” sect in meaning, intent, and form. This philosophical interpretation of the PLO draws upon a gnostic model in order to uncover the psychological universe of the PLO. In so doing, the author employs the interdisciplinary method of linking religion and politics (which is a view of political culture in the Arab‐Muslim world) to penetrate to the ultimate inner reality of the PLO. In this search, it is difficult to avoid concluding that the PLO represents a highly disorderly force in the Mideastern and global settings.  相似文献   
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The Rokeach Terminal Value Scale and an attitude questionnaire were administered to two similar groups of female Israeli students before and after the Yom Kippur War. The second group also responded to a questionnaire about the effects of the war on the importance attributed to each of the values. The results were as follow: (a) Subjects stated that after the war 14 out of the 18 values in the Rokeach list increased in importance. (b) The war brought about a significant increase in the relative importance (rank) of 4 values (Pleasure, National Security, Happiness, and Mature Love), and a significant decrease in Equality. (c) No attitude change was found in respect to issues related to the war itself. (d) Values accounted for a smaller percent of the variance in attitudes after the war than they did before it. In view of these findings it is suggested that a distinction be made between relative and absolute importance within a value system.Received his Ph.D. from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. Fields of interest include cognitive processes, psychology of mathematics education, and evaluation.Recieved his Ph.D. from the Committee on Human Development, the University of Chicago. Fields of interest include motivation and moral development.  相似文献   
3.
This study was designed to facilitate understanding of different forms and expressions of Fear of Success. It had four specific aims: (1) to test for Fear of Success in response to a semiprojective measure among Israeli pupils in their last year in high school, (2) to test for developmental trends in this variable, (3) to investigate whether disadvantaged pupils also express Fear of Success, and (4) to investigate more overt expressions of negative attitudes toward success. The sample was comprised of 391 subjects of two age groups (13 and 17), two social classes (advantaged and disadvantaged), and both sexes. The results replicated Horner's findings in that advantaged girls in high school scored higher on projective Fear of Success than advantaged boys. However, in elementary school both scored low. A novel finding was that disadvantaged pupils of both sexes scored high on Fear of Success in high school. Subgroups scoring high on projective Fear of Success also revealed a variety of negative attitudes toward success in response to the overt measures. Analysis of the results suggested that Fear of Success is a complex phenomenon which may take different forms involving various kinds of cultural expectations and different degrees of conflict.Fields of interest are moral and political development and education, alternative frameworks in education, creativity.Received his Ph.D. from the Committee on Human Development, University of Chicago. Fields of interest are motivation, moral development.  相似文献   
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Mordechai  Nisan 《Political studies》1991,39(1):122-134
Based on the assumption that foreign and defence policy grows out of the domestic political arena, this paper examines the 1988 elections in Israel with a particular focus on the territorial issue of Judea, Samaria and the Gaza Strip. The two major parties, Likud and Labour, share certain fundamental views, and this fact contributed to the formation of a National Unity Government during 1984–88. Yet they also differ markedly in terms of ideological outlook and more specifically in policy towards peace-making with the Arabs and the future of the territories. The election campaign reflected the differences and incompatibilities between the two major parties, while the results indicated a political stalemate. The domestic party arena in Israel has not produced any clear long-term strategy regarding peace and the territories. This deadlock suggests incoherence in the Cabinet, the impotence of the legislature and the likelihood that external events alone can alter the political status quo.  相似文献   
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