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排序方式: 共有169条查询结果,搜索用时 46 毫秒
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Marianne Junger Lynette Feder Joy Clay Sylvana M. Côté David P. Farrington Kate Freiberg Vicente Garrido Genovés Ross Homel Friedrich Lösel Matthew Manning Paul Mazerolle Rob Santos Martin Schmucker Christopher Sullivan Carole Sutton Tom van Yperen Richard E. Tremblay 《European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research》2007,13(3-4):327-356
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Anthony W. Pereira 《Human Rights Review》2003,4(3):3-16
Recent judicial reforms after democratic transition have been substantial and relatively successful in Chile, but much less
so in Argentina and Brazil. This article traces this variation in outcomes to the legal strategies of the prior authoritarian
regimes. The Brazilian military regime of 1964–1985 was gradualist in its approach to the law, and had a high degree of civilian-military
consensus in the legal sphere. It was not highly repressive in its deployment of lethal violence, and this combination of
factors contributed to a gradualist and consensual transition in which judicial reform was not placed high on the political
agenda. The Argentine case of military rule between 1976 and 1983 was almost the opposite. The military sidestepped and even
attacked the judiciary, engaging in almost entirely extrajudicial violence. This generated a “backlash” reform movement after
the transition to democracy that was mostly retrospective and only partially successful. In Chile, in contrast, the military
engineered a radical break with previous legality, engaged in violent repression, but made considerable efforts to reconstruct
a judicial order. It was in the aftermath of this situation that reformers were able to push through a prospective and relatively
successful judicial reform. This article's findings suggest that judicial reform may be more likely to succeed where the prior
authoritarian regime was both repressive and legalistic, as in Chile, Poland, and South Africa, than where high degrees of
repression were applied largely extrajudicially, as in Argentina, Cambodia, and Guatemala, or where the authoritarian regime
was legalistic but not highly repressive, as in Brazil, Mexico, and the Philippines. 相似文献
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Ane Cristina Figueiredo Pereira de Faria Issa Ibrahim Berchin Jéssica Garcia Silvia Natália Barbosa Back 《Third world quarterly》2016,37(6):975-997
Food production has been changing significantly in recent years as a result of climate change and of growing demand for food. This article aims to understand the link between food security and international security in the context of climate change, applying a systematic and qualitative analysis of the literature using the bibliometric method. This research observes that climate change tends to affect agricultural productivity, exposing societies to risk and the need for migration. However, good governance, together with international cooperation, can reduce the hazards of food insecurity, strengthening ties between countries and stimulating a fairer and more inclusive form of international trade. 相似文献
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Joo Resende‐Santos 《拉美政治与社会》2002,44(4):89-126
Argentine-Brazilian relations have undergone a remarkable transformation over the last two decades, from enduring rivalry to cooperation. Dating back to the late 1970s, security cooperation has been a byproduct of two different sets of factors, strategic and military organizational, that propelled the two countries independently but simultaneously toward peaceful settlement. The 1979–80 settlement of disputes over hydroelectric power and nuclear technology not only ended centuries of militarized competition but established the first institutional structures of what is today one of the world's most durable security regimes. 相似文献
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Sípoli Marques MA Pinto Damasceno LM Gualberto Pereira HM Caldeira CM Pereira Dias BF de Giacomo Vargens D Amoedo ND Volkweis RO Volkweis Viana RO Rumjanek FD Aquino Neto FR 《Journal of forensic sciences》2005,50(3):587-592
A clear positive case for anabolic steroids doping was confounded by alleged urine tampering during doping control procedures. Review of the chain of custody showed no flaws, but nevertheless the athlete was adamant that the urine sample should be analyzed for DNA in order to support her contention that she was not the donor of the sample. The results obtained showed that the urine sample that scored positive for steroids contained nuclear DNA that could not be matched to the DNA obtained from the athlete's blood. On the other hand, the same urine sample contained mitochondrial DNA whose nucleotide sequences spanning the hyper variable regions HV1 and HV2 proved to be identical to those determined in mitochondrial DNA amplified from the athlete's blood. The occurrence of an extraneous genotype is compatible with exogenous nuclear DNA admixture to the athlete's urine. Alternatively, taking in consideration the mitochondrial DNA, we could not exclude that a sibling or a maternal relative of the athlete could have acted as a donor of the urine utilized for doping control and DNA analysis. Both situations point to possible tampering of the urine by the athlete. Adjudication at CAS maintained previous national and international federation decision that there was no proof of a chain of custody flaw to justify the athlete's allegation of urine substitution after collection. 相似文献