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Research suggests that many women experience some form of sexual assault in their lifetime and that women who engage in substance abuse often have a higher incidence of past sexual assault than women in the general population. Given the documented rates of sexual assault among women in recovery from substance use, it is important to explore community interventions that promote positive recovery from substance use and sexual assault. One model that promotes successful substance use recovery is the Oxford House--a democratic, self-supported substance use recovery home. Research demonstrated that living in an Oxford House provides sober social support and that this increased social support may promote the use of positive coping strategies to strengthen recovery from substance use, however; the relationship between social support and sexual assault for women is unclear. Thus, the current study examines the Oxford House model for women in recovery from substance use who have experienced sexual assault. A cross-sectional sample of women living in Oxford Houses in the United States was obtained to examine the relationship among disclosure of sexual assault, social support, and self-esteem. Results suggested that many women used Oxford House as a setting in which to disclosure prior sexual assault. Results also indicated that women who disclosed their assault experience reported higher self-esteem and social support than women who had not disclosed. Possible implications include the value of substance abuse recovery homes as a safe, supportive environment for women to address issues related to sexual assault.  相似文献   
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Repositioning by political elites plays a key role in a variety of political phenomena, including legislative policymaking and campaigning. While previous studies suggest that repositioning will lead to negative evaluations, these studies have not explored the role of elite communications in structuring mass responses. We argue that this omission is problematic because elite explanations for their actions may limit the costs associated with ‘flip-flopping’ by persuading some citizens to update their attitudes so that they agree with the elite’s new stance and also by molding beliefs about the motives of the elite when repositioning. We present evidence supportive of this argument obtained from two large experiments conducted on samples of American adults. Ultimately, we show that elites offering a satisfactory justification for their change can avoid most, if not all, of the evaluative costs that would otherwise occur. This study thus has important implications not just for this particular element of elite behavior, but also related questions concerning governmental accountability and representation.  相似文献   
4.
The author's prior cross-national research found a negative relationship between the percent of the workforce that is female and terrorism. One explanation of this finding suggests that women are violence-averse and work to mitigate acts of political violence. Alternatively, women in the workforce may simply proxy for an economy with robust employment with fewer grievances or proxy for modernizing forces (e.g., democracy, secularism) that moderate traditionalism. The author examines the relationship between women in the workforce and terrorism and finds that while modernization factors are important, terrorism is nonetheless explained by the unique nonviolent influences of women in public society.  相似文献   
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Abstract:  This article explores some of the issues arising from the decision taken in 2003 to 'recast for modernisation' the directives on equal treatment between men and women. It examines the meaning and significance of the recast technique itself and considers the rationale for applying the recast to certain, but not all, of the equality Directives. The article attempts a first-level analysis of the main issues arising from the recast in terms of the substance of Community gender discrimination law. It is also argued that the recast has the potential to improve Community equality law and not just in terms of readability.  相似文献   
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Investigators have implied that palatal rugae are unique to each individual. However, these researchers have disagreed as to whether or not legal identification could be based solely on palatal rugae. Previous studies used poor duplicating materials and may not have considered the effects of growth, extractions, palatal expansion, or some combination of these. The inadvertent use of other features of the cast, such as teeth, edentulous ridge morphology, muscle attachments, vestibular depth, or some combination of these, to aid in the identification, may have influenced their results. The purpose of this investigation was to determine if palatal rugae can be relied upon for identification. Twenty-five orthodontic cases were selected with pre- and post-treatment casts; orthodontic treatment had taken eighteen to sixty months. One hundred casts were randomly selected as variables. All casts were trimmed so that all areas except for the rugae area of the hard palate were removed. The twenty-five post-orthodontic casts were dispersed within 100 randomly selected casts. Nine investigators were given the twenty-five pre-orthodontic casts and asked to compare them to the other one hundred and twenty-five casts for possible matches. Data were collected as to percentage of correct matches and time required for comparison. Each set of pre- and post-orthodontic casts was properly identified (100%) by 8 investigators, and the remaining investigator correctly matched 22 out of 25 casts (88%). These conclusions were drawn.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 250 WORDS)  相似文献   
7.
Elite polarization has reshaped American politics and is an increasingly salient aspect of news coverage within the United States. As a consequence, a burgeoning body of research attempts to unravel the effects of elite polarization on the mass public. However, we know very little about how polarization is communicated to the public by news media. We report the results of one of the first content analyses to delve into the nature of news coverage of elite polarization. We show that such coverage is predominantly critical of polarization. Moreover, we show that unlike coverage of politics focused on individual politicians, coverage of elite polarization principally frames partisan divisions as rooted in the values of the parties rather than strategic concerns. We build on these novel findings with two survey experiments exploring the influence of these features of polarization news coverage on public attitudes. In our first study, we show that criticism of polarization leads partisans to more positively evaluate the argument offered by their non-preferred party, increases support for bi-partisanship, but ultimately does not change the extent to which partisans follow their party’s policy endorsements. In our second study, we show that Independents report significantly less political interest, trust, and efficacy when polarization is made salient and this is particularly evident when a cause of polarization is mentioned. These studies have important implications for our understanding of the consequences of elite polarization—and how polarization is communicated—for public opinion and political behavior in democratic politics.  相似文献   
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As the population of mothers under state supervision rapidly increases, it is necessary to document and analyze their experiences. This research contributes to the literature by exploring the experiences of such mothers, highlighting narratives from mothers who transitioned to a halfway house as part of their reintegration. We analyze how such mothers define good mothering and how they construct and manage their own mothering in light of their histories of drug use and criminal justice involvement, which often lead to prolonged absences from their children. The discourses of priority and presence dominate the mothers’ narratives, supported by expectations from both probation/parole and the halfway house. Collectively our data suggest that mothers engage in a complex negotiation between state supervision and motherhood that reimagines the nature and practice of good mothering and adapts strategies for fulfilling state obligations.  相似文献   
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In recent years positive action to improve women's position in the labour market has risen up the political agenda, with measures ranging from quotas to special training. The legal framework has been slower to change. Initially seeking to eliminate all forms of discrimination, it now reflects a more sophisticated approach, attempting to achieve substantive equality. This may encompass measures which appear to disadvantage men but are aimed at rectifying women's structural, economic or historical disadvantage. We investigate the limits imposed on EU member states' ability to take positive action under Community law, and examine the much narrower provisions of the Sex Discrimination Act. We argue that the time is now ripe, with the ongoing review of equality law, to reappraise domestic law and to use the freedom provided under Community law to expand the scope of positive action under the Sex Discrimination Act.  相似文献   
10.
Since economic performance is a key criterion of ‘success’, the Tanzanian socialist experiment is evaluated in terms of the short‐term economic implications of various policies which are ‘socialistic’ in inspiration. The manner and timing of the translation of socialist principles into policy has so far been reasonably cautious and, with the unsurprising exception of the reduced potential contribution to growth from private investment, has not involvea significant costs in terms of growth effects. Some suggestions are offered for improved policies. In particular the pushing of socialist policies beyond the capacity of the available skills to manage them is seen as the greatest future risk both to the success of the socialist experiment and to the growth rate.  相似文献   
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