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Russell Eisenman 《Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology》1993,9(2):77-79
Conclusion This analysis shows that no simple explanation will do when trying to understand a prison. The authoritarian aspects were
very negative to me as a professional working there. I did not like being blamed for things I did not do, or being sent to
numerous required training programs, almost all of which were worthless for me, telling me thing 1 already knew or could not
use. However, there were positive sides to the prison, especially in the treatment aspect. In 1972 Messinger wrote “I must
take the position that prisons and custodial mental hospitals should be abolished” (Messinger, 1972, P. 6). His position was
that these institutions are so inhumane that society would be better served by their abolition. We probably need more analyses
like the present one, and other studies which rely more heavily on more gathering of quantitative data in order to understand
what prisons are really like. Only then can we make informed choices, without depending on stereotypes. 相似文献
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Peter Atkins Greg Bagley Jim Bartoo Michael Bayer David Beatty David Brown Terry Cook Reggie Fairchild David Foster Bruno Gentil Gordon Goetzmann Michael Green Jim Hamann Rustom Irani Greg Lee Lynn Little Jim Mariani Tom McGuire Doug Merrill Gentaro Murakami Todd Naiven Taisuke Nomura Doug Paul Joe Rodriguez Stephen Silver Howard Suskind Mitsuhiro Tsuchiya Mike Wais Jeff Wright Jonathan Zaremski 《The Journal of Technology Transfer》1992,17(1):58-67
The United States today faces a loss of influence as a world power, a reduction in American independence as a policymaker, and a decline in the standard of living on which Americans have come to depend. History teaches that nations weaker and less productive than the United States can rise to become economic powerhouses and rapidly increase their standards of living. History also teaches that nations failing to recognize their fundamental problems will inevitably decline. American politicians must face what is abundantly clear: the United States is losing ground and must act quickly to reverse its course. This White Paper outlines what must be done. Information about the nation's current status must be analyzed and communicated. Incentives to improve the level of competence in government must be provided and maintained. The emphasis of government policy must be changed to reflect broad economic and technological interests as opposed to special interests. Savings must be encouraged and increased. Infrastructure must be improved Tax laws must be modified to help bring these changes about. Economic and technological issues must be elevated to the importance they require. American thinking must reflect the new realities: that the age of leadership through military power is over, that the requirements for success in the world of the 1990s and beyond require a sound and growing economy that is internationally competitive. The US can accomplish these goals only through foundation-shaking, comprehensive, fundamental changealong the lines we propose herein.This paper is the executive summary (with minor editing modifications) of a white paper that is available from Cornell University's Johnson Graduate School of Management. 相似文献
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Goran Therborn, European Modernity and Beyond: The Trajectory of European Societies, (Sage, London 1995). 403pp. ISBN 8039 8934 2.
John McGany and Brendan O'Leary, Explaining Northern Ireland, (Blackwell, Oxford 1995). 535pp. ISBN 0–631–18349–3. 相似文献
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Prepared as a response to Frey and Eichenberger's Anomalies in Political Economy. We thank Gordon Tullock for helpful discussions. This work was partially supported by the Taylor Experimental Laboratory at Washington University. 相似文献
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The Federal Election Campaign Act as passed in 1971 and amended in 1974represented landmark federal legislation. It imposed new restrictions oncampaign contributions and contained path-breaking provisions for the useof public funds to partially finance the campaigns of qualifyingpresidential candidates. The nominal intent of the legislation was torestrain the skyrocketing campaign costs and the feared abuses thatgrowing dependencies on such money engendered. Three decades later, withthe campaign spending ``arms race'' still raging. Congress sought toimpose further constraints on campaign spending with enactment of theBipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002 (BCRA). Competing theories ofgovernment regulation are reviewed to better understand the intent andlikely consequences of the 2002 legislation in particular and campaignfinance regulation in general. A simple model of the campaign spendingprocess highlights the likely causes of the rapid growth in campaignspending. Data and evidence are presented to test hypotheses concerningthe timing of and underlying motivations for BCRA. 相似文献