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1.
Tobias Kelly 《Law & social inquiry》2006,31(1):39-74
This article examines the distribution of legal rights in the Israeli occupied West Bank. It argues that legal rights are distributed through a "jurisdictional politics" that tries to stabilize the contingent relationship between political community, territory, and legal subjects. In particular, this jurisdictional politics seeks to delimit the contradictory boundaries of the Israeli state by creating distinct categories of person out of the populations that live and work in the region. These issues are addressed by examining a dispute concerning the jurisdiction of Israeli law over Palestinian workers in Israeli settlements in the West Bank. The article ends by arguing that in the context of multiple movements of people, capital, and military force, attention must be paid to the often contradictory ways in which jurisdictional regimes seek to produce particular types of citizens and subjects. 相似文献
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The evidence of regional authoritarian clustering across different world regions goes together with the finding that after the end of the bipolar world regional patterns of interaction became more important. Especially in the 2000s a process of revitalisation of regional organisations and even the creation of new regional organisations took place. Interestingly, these newly founded organisations consist predominantly of authoritarian regimes. Due to the emergence and resilience of authoritarianism in the world, the question arises: To what extent do regional organisations (ROs) play a role in this phenomenon? We argue that authoritarian protagonists which we call authoritarian gravity centres (AGCs) constitute a force of attraction for countries in geopolitical proximity – and use ROs as a transmission belt and a learning room for disseminating autocratic elements. In a cross-regional comparison, based on extensive field work, we provide empirical analysis on two AGCs (Saudi Arabia and Venezuela) within their respective ROs Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA-TCP) and tackle the questions of why and how autocracies decide to move forward multilaterally within the RO. 相似文献
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Tobias Jung Tim Scott Huw T. O. Davies Peter Bower Diane Whalley Rosalind McNally Russell Mannion 《Public administration review》2009,69(6):1087-1096
Organizational culture is widely considered to be one of the most significant factors in reforming and modernizing public administration and service delivery. This article documents the findings of a literature review of existing qualitative and quantitative instruments for the exploration of organizational culture. Seventy instruments are identified, of which 48 could be submitted to psychometric assessment. The majority of these are at a preliminary stage of development. The study's conclusion is that there is no ideal instrument for cultural exploration. The degree to which any measure is seen as "fit for purpose" depends on the particular reason for which it is to be used and the context within which it is to be applied. 相似文献
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Bao WN Haas A Pi Y 《International journal of offender therapy and comparative criminology》2004,48(3):281-297
Using a sample of 615 middle school and high school students from both rural and urban areas of the People's Republic of China, this study tests the central hypotheses concerning the mediating model in Agnew's general strain theory. The analyses focus on the intervening mechanisms of negative emotions such as anger, resentment, anxiety, and depression that connect exposure to interpersonal strain with delinquent outcomes, including both serious delinquency and minor offenses. The results show that anger mediates the effect of interpersonal strain on violence, resentment mediates the effect of interpersonal strain on nonviolent delinquency, and anxiety and depression have a mediating effect on the relationships between interpersonal strain and minor offenses. The findings are generally consistent with the results of earlier studies in the United States. 相似文献
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Zunächst werden die theoretischen Überlegungen kurz dargelegt, die zur Entscheidungs‐ bzw. zur Mobilisierungshypothese führen. Zudem wird die Theorie des ‘expressiven Wählens’ vorgestellt, und es wird auf zwei weitere Hypothesen über Bestimmungsgründe der Stimmbeteiligung eingegangen. Danach wird der Schätzansatz beschrieben, bevor wir uns mit den empirischen Ergebnissen beschäftigen. Sie sprechen nicht nur sehr stark für die Mobilisierungs‐ und gegen die Entscheidungshypothese, sondern zumindest bei den fakultativen Referenden spielen auch die erwarteten (bzw. befürchteten) finanziellen Auswirkungen eine entscheidende Rolle. Allerdings sind sie nur bedingt mit der Theorie des expressiven Wählens vereinbar. 相似文献
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Zusammenfassung Die genetische Vielfalt ist oft übersehenes Schutzgut des Naturschutzrechts. Sie ist der Grund,
warum zunehmend gefordert wird, Anpflanzungen nur mit gebietseigenem Pflanzmaterial durchzuführen.
Rechtliche Probleme stellen sich hier an der Schnittstelle von Naturschutz- und Vergaberecht. Soll n?mlich
bei der ?ffentlichen Auftragsvergabe zur Anpflanzung von Geh?lzen oder beim Einkauf von Pflanzmaterial
nicht gegen vergaberechtliche Vorschriften versto?en werden, bedarf es hinreichender, im Naturschutzrecht
verwurzelter Gründe, um ?ffentliche Ausschreibungen ausschlie?lich auf gebietseigenes Pflanzmaterial
einzuengen. Diesen naturschutzrechtlichen Verpflichtungen geht der vorliegende Beitrag nach. 相似文献