首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   339篇
  免费   18篇
各国政治   14篇
工人农民   9篇
世界政治   46篇
外交国际关系   19篇
法律   159篇
中国共产党   1篇
中国政治   1篇
政治理论   108篇
  2023年   1篇
  2021年   1篇
  2020年   4篇
  2019年   10篇
  2018年   16篇
  2017年   15篇
  2016年   14篇
  2015年   9篇
  2014年   7篇
  2013年   78篇
  2012年   10篇
  2011年   8篇
  2010年   6篇
  2009年   11篇
  2008年   12篇
  2007年   11篇
  2006年   15篇
  2005年   8篇
  2004年   10篇
  2003年   9篇
  2002年   9篇
  2001年   7篇
  2000年   6篇
  1999年   14篇
  1998年   9篇
  1997年   7篇
  1996年   3篇
  1995年   6篇
  1994年   1篇
  1993年   2篇
  1992年   3篇
  1991年   1篇
  1990年   3篇
  1989年   6篇
  1988年   4篇
  1987年   7篇
  1986年   1篇
  1985年   2篇
  1984年   2篇
  1982年   1篇
  1981年   2篇
  1980年   2篇
  1979年   1篇
  1976年   1篇
  1975年   1篇
  1971年   1篇
排序方式: 共有357条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Cutler  Fred 《Publius》2004,34(2):19-38
Because federalism can be a threat to accountability, a modelof voting behavior in federations must accommodate voters' attributionsof responsibility to each order of government for policy outcomes.This study uses a panel survey of Canadians in both federaland provincial elections to ask whether voters are able to holdgovernments accountable in a federal context. Voters may ignoreissues where responsibility is unclear, they may reward or punishboth the federal and provincial governments to the same degree,or the confusion of jurisdiction may sour them on the governmentor even the political system. Canadians who blamed both governmentsfor problems in health care did not lake this judgment to theirvoting decision in either the 2000 federal election or the 2001elections in Alberta and British Columbia, while those who couldidentify primary responsibility did so. Federalism and intergovernmentalpolicymaking may reduce voters' ability to hold their governmentsaccountable.  相似文献   
6.
7.
8.
Abstract

The cross-border impacts of whistleblowing recently have become far more visible and consequential, as evident with the ‘Paradise’ and ‘Panama Papers’ leaks, which exposed tax and other financial wrongdoings of prominent personalities around the world, leading to scandals, resignations and prosecutions. Despite its new prominence, whistleblowing often continues to be seen as a series of ad hoc chance acts. We argue instead that whistleblowing is an increasingly institutionalized regulatory tool that is enabled by an emergent ‘whistleblowing system’, with similarities to other new forms of informal global governance. Whistleblowing can be controversial, and we develop a framework for assessing whether any particular whistleblowing event and the system that enables it are in the public interest. We then apply this analysis to the case of global tax evasion. We conclude that a whistleblowing system can make important contributions to difficult cross-border regulatory challenges such as tax evasion, especially where other governance systems fail.  相似文献   
9.
The EU referendum has raised questions about the nature of democracy, which is not just majority rule. It is wrong to claim that direct democracy has now replaced representative democracy, as Parliament is required to answer all the questions that the referendum did not. The conduct of the referendum reflected the worst aspects of Britain's political culture of sterile adversarialism. Both left and right have shared assumptions about governing that have made it difficult to develop a culture of democratic citizenship. The political system still reflects its pre‐democratic origins (as in the survival of a House of Lords and the obsession with titles) and the role of money in politics represents a form of corruption. Institutional reforms depend for their success on the nurturing of a democratic culture, which is a task for many hands.  相似文献   
10.
Although the devastation from Haiti’s 2010 earthquake was concentrated in Port-au-Prince, it had deep agrarian roots. This paper situates Haiti’s urban poverty in the chronic exploitation of the country’s peasant classes as a basis for assessing the competing contemporary visions for agricultural development. We argue that the post-earthquake reconstruction has fortified a neoliberal development that is incompatible with the aspirations of the Haitian peasantry. Given the interrelated power of domestic elites and international donors, and the proliferation of disconnected development projects, we conclude that any prospect for pro-poor development hinges on the growth and collaboration of peasant movements.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号