Can disincentives bring accountability in governance? Experiences of Right to Public Services Guarantee Act in Madhya Pradesh State of India

Many Indian states have enacted Right to Public Services Guarantee Act that promises the delivery of public services to citizens in time‐bound fashion, failing to which, responsible government officials face financial penalty. Therefore, effective service delivery, an indicator of good and responsive governance, is being attempted to be achieved through a “system of disincentive.” The paper tries to analyze if the system of disincentive is effective in ensuring administrative accountability. The paper is based on primary and secondary data. The primary data were collected as part of an action research carried out in 2012, which was supplemented with secondary data collected for different studies during 2015 and 2016. The paper uses a governance accountability framework to analyze implementation of the Act. The study finds that although success rate of implementation of the Act is quite high, the Act presents a narrow idea of accountability. There are no accountability norms for higher officials and elected leaders who head the public service departments. The study also finds that necessary accountability structures have not been developed and there is a dearth of enabling environment that makes accountability structures effective. The study also finds that, despite the provisions for financial penalty, responsible officials find ways to escape. The study exposes weak points in the implementation of the Act, which can be strengthened to achieve desired outcomes. The study can be an important source for course corrections in the states/countries where right to public service delivery is in effect.     

Whither Non-Alignment? Indian Ocean Zone of Peace and New Delhi’s Selective Alignment with Great Powers during the Cold War, 1964–1979

First proposed in 1964 by the Sri Lankan prime minister, the Indian Ocean Zone of Peace [IOZP] entailed eradication of foreign military bases from the Indian Ocean region as well its denuclearisation. During the Cold War, India was one of the most vehement supporters of IOZP. If some saw India’s interests in the IOZP as another manifestation of Nehruvian idealism, others viewed it as a part of its non-aligned foreign policy. This analysis argues otherwise. India’s record on IOZP reveals a policy of selective alignment with Great Powers and its adaptation to the principles of power politics in international relations. India’s support for the presence of one or the other Great Powers in the Indian Ocean region found premise on balancing those it considered hostile to its national security interests. In public, India supported the call for IOZP as dictated by its non-aligned foreign policy; privately, New Delhi remained highly sceptical and often worked to IZOP’s detriment. Under the cloak of IOZP, India not only pursued diplomatic alignment with Great Powers but also ensured that its own regional ambitions remain unchecked. In this picture, India’s role was not only supportive of the Cold War but to the extent it could use the opportunities provided by superpower rivalry in the region to further its own ends, even determinative of the process.     

The GATT agreement on trade related investment measures: Implications for developing countries and their relationship with transnational corporations

This article addresses three issues. First, it argues that the use of trade related investment measures (TRIMs) by LDCs can only be analysed in the context of their dealings with transnational corporations (TNCs). Second, it considers the applicability of existing GATT rules to TRIMs and shows that they are inadequate and can pose difficulties for LDCs seeking foreign direct investment by TNCs. Third, it suggests a framework for regulating TRIMs as one element of host‐TNC relations. The article concludes with proposals for enhancing the capacity of LDCs in their dealings with TNCs.     

The disadvantaged incumbents: estimating incumbency effects in Indian state legislatures

This paper estimates the incumbency effects using a large dataset on state legislative elections in India during 1975–2003. I use a Regression Discontinuity Design (RDD) that estimates the causal effect of incumbency by comparing candidates in closely fought elections. I find that there is a significant disadvantage to incumbency in Indian State legislative elections, and the adverse effect of incumbency has increased after 1991. Also, the incumbency disadvantage is higher in states that have lower availability of public goods such as health centers, and lower employment, poverty and per capita income.     

Removal of Dyes using Wheat Husk Waste as a Low-Cost Adsorbent

Abstract

Color removal from wastewater has been a matter of concern, both in the esthetic sense and health point of view. Color removal from textile effluents on a continuous industrial scale has been given much attention in the last few years, not only because of its potential toxicity, but also due to its visibility problem. The ability of wheat husk to act as biosorption medium in the removal of dyes from aqueous solution was successfylly investigated. The analysis of dye remaining in the solution was done colourimetrically using a spectrophotometer. It may be concluded that easy availability and suitability for production of bioadsorbent from wheat husk makes it one of the materials that can be used for removal of RB 19 and RB 195 from waste water.     

Indo-Japanese Strategic Partnership and Power Transition in Asia

As the U.S.-led security order in Asia gradually comes under stress, regional powers such as India and Japan are formulating a strategic partnership to hedge against the vulnerabilities accruing out of the unfolding power transition in Asia. China’s unprecedented economic and military rise coupled with America’s perceived relative decline is drawing New Delhi and Tokyo into a strategic embrace. To insure their interests in this era of great power transition, New Delhi and Tokyo are keen to hedge against America’s possible failure in containing China’s growing assertiveness in Asia. This hedging strategy is evident in their growing strategic partnership which consists of a triple hedge: increasing bilateral defense partnership against fears of American retrenchment; economic engagement against an over-dependence on China; and a multilateral hedge against China’s growing influence in international and regional institutions. However, for Asia’s two prominent middle powers, transforming these nascent attempts into an effective strategic response to Asia’s current power transition would also require cooperation in the nuclear domain, an area where their policies continue to diverge.     

Does legislative turnover adversely affect state expenditure policy? Evidence from Indian state elections

The effect of legislative turnover on the size and composition of government expenditures in Indian states over the 1980?C2000 period is examined. The paper finds that excessive turnover in Indian state elections results in inefficient government expenditure policy. First, the higher the turnover, the larger the government size. Second, excessive turnover affects the allocative efficiency of government expenditures by skewing the composition of government spending toward pure consumption and away from more productive investment expenditures. Third, the effect of turnover on fiscal policy is not linear; public consumption expenditure is convex in turnover, while public investment expenditure is concave in turnover.     

Outcome‐focussed planning in Australian local government: How council plans and cultural development plans measure up

Contemporary public policy increasingly emphasises a focus on outcomes, the difference that occurs in the lives of citizens from policy and activity of government. Other contemporary imperatives for effective planning include: recognition of the values of the community whom plans serve, direction towards goals and objectives, utilisation of evidence, articulation of theories of change that underpin planning and responsiveness to evaluation. This article reports a desk‐based research project to assess how local government planning documents meet these imperatives. Two documents are examined for 67 councils across Australia: the major strategic document, council plan or other‐named document and the cultural development plan (CDP) or other‐named document that directs staff and investment aimed at cultural enrichment of the LGA. Findings indicate that the majority of councils’ documents appeared only concordant with one or two of these planning imperatives. No plan addressed more than three. Overall, council plans and cultural development plans did not clearly indicate their responsiveness to values of their communities, nor include objectives that formed measurable steps towards goals or formally refer to the use of evidence in decision‐making. No plans included theories of change to underpin decision‐making. This analysis indicates clear areas of improvement for planning for local governance.     

Sailing through the Cold War: Indian Navy's Quest for a Submarine Arm, 1947-67

ABSTRACT

It took approximately two decades for the Indian Navy to acquire submarines even when the first naval plan prepared by the Naval Headquarters in New Delhi and informally submitted to the British Admiralty in September 1947 contained an active submarine component. Other littoral navies in the Indian Ocean went for submarines much earlier. Using Indian, British, and U.S. archives, this article argues that the delay in India’s submarine arm was largely a result of the vagaries of the Cold War. Both Britain and the United States wanted the Indian Navy to contribute to the Western effort for a collective defense against the communist threat, which was largely conceived to be submarine based. This resulted in a surface heavy force structure. However, as India’s threat perceptions changed in 1960s, its quest for submarines gained momentum. When negotiations with the Western powers did not result in anything concrete, Indian Navy turned to the Soviets for initiating its own submarine arm. This decision had long-term implications for the Indian Navy as its underwater fleet thereafter remain dependent upon Soviet assistance for the rest of the Cold War.     

Field experiments on the competitiveness of males carrying genetic control systems for Aedes aegypti

The competitiveness carrying males of three genetic control systems forAedes aegypti (L.), viz. chemosterilized males, double translocation heterozygote males (T1T3) and distorter double translocation heterozygote males (DT1T3), released into a natural population in the Delhi metropolitanxarea was evaluated using a method based on the principle of release and recapture of marked females. Chemosterilized males and DT1T3 males showed approximately normal competitiveness in the field which is similar to the results obtained from laboratory and field cage experiments. The T1T3 males were found to have reduced competitiveness both in the field and laboratory cage tests, in contrast to previously reported results with unmarked T1T3 males in field cages. The cause of this reduction in competitiveness was not clear.

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Zusammenfassung Es wurde die Konkurrenzkraft vonAedes aegypti — M?nnchen ermittelt nach Anwendung von drei genetischen Verfahren, n?mlich Chemosterilisation der M?nnchen, heterozygote doppelte Translokation (T1T3) und gest?rte doppelte heterozygote Translokation (DT1T3) der M?nnchen, die in eine natürliche Population des hauptst?dtischen Gebiets von Delhi freigelassen wurden; dabei wurde eine auf dem Prinzip des Freilassens und Wiederfangs von markierten Weibchen beruhende Methode verwendet. Chemosterilisierte und DT1T3 — M?nnchen zeigten ann?hernd normale Konkurrenzkraft, was den Ergebnissen von Labor- und Freilandk?figversuchen entspricht. Die T1T3-M?nnchen zeigten verminderte Konkurrenzkraft im Feld und in Labork?figtests, im Gegensatz zu früher berichteten Befunden mit nicht-markierten T1T3-M?nnchen in Feldk?figen. Die Ursache dieser Reduktion der Konkurrenzkraft war nicht klar.