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This study compared battered and non-battered women on their sex role types, control needs, and inclusion needs. The subjects included 33 battered, married women matched with 33 unbattered married women on education, employment, status, and age. The instruments used were the Bern Sex Role Inventoy and the FIRO-B. Results indicated a significant relationship between the battered/non-battered status and sex role type and wanted control. Battered subjects were more feminine in sex role type than the non-battered subjects. Battered women were also more tolerant of external control. 相似文献
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Wayne M. Riggs 《Women's history review》2019,28(4):668-685
The first decade of the twentieth century witnessed the growth of the suffrage movement, and a vigorous debate about the public role of women. Britain’s established churches were caught up in this discussion, as they addressed calls for women to have more authority in religious institutions. Dialogue among church leaders ranged between two extremes. Conservatives viewed women’s roles through the lens of ‘traditional’ gender constructs, opposing a public role and voice for women. Progressive factions contended that women should receive the political suffrage and the right to participate in church councils. The male hierarchy argued that empowered women were necessary for the ongoing ministries of the churches, and would be supportive of traditional morality. By 1919, the progressives had prevailed. This matched developments in the franchise, in which gendered qualifications for voting were swept away. Thus, the typically conservative churches played an important role in redefining women’s public roles. 相似文献
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In this article we examine the extent of career cross‐over from journalism to politics in Australia using biographical data on the pre‐parliamentary careers of federal politicians since 1901. We find that while journalists continue to be over‐represented in Australia's national Parliament, there is evidence of a decline in the number making the career switch to politics. We argue that one explanation for this is the growing professionalisation of both vocations, and of journalism especially. Journalism education inculcates in graduates a strong sense of the media's Fourth Estate role, contributing to a professional identity that militates against taking up a political career. We also find that in recent decades, in spite of a small number of celebrated cases of journalists joining the ranks of the ALP, prior careers in journalism have been more prevalent among Coalition MPs. We argue that this reflects an ALP pre‐selection system that has become less accommodating of all pre‐parliamentary occupations other than trade union official and political staffer. 相似文献
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This paper asks whether the migration decisions of unauthorized Mexican immigrants to the USA have been influenced by stronger US border enforcement efforts since 1993 that have sharply increased the physical risk and financial cost of illegal immigration. These measures were supposed to have decreased the probability of successful entry, thereby lowering the expected benefits of migration. We carried out a logistic regression analysis of data from a recent survey of 603 returned migrants and potential first‐time migrants in rural Mexico. Our findings indicate that tougher border controls have had remarkably little influence on the propensity to migrate illegally to the USA. Political restrictions on immigration are far outweighed by economic and family‐related incentives to migrate. An alternative, labor‐market approach to immigration control with higher probability of effectiveness is outlined. 相似文献
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These two perspectives on the need for state governments were presented to the RIPAA National Conference on 30 November 1995, Brisbane. 相似文献
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The value-added tax (VAT) requires considerable sophistication on the part of both the taxpayers and the tax authorities in order to function effectively; not all countries meet this criteria. After Niger implemented the VAT in 1986, instead of realizing an increase in tax revenue it witnessed a decline, creating a major budget crisis. This article discusses why the VAT was an inappropriate choice for Niger, analyzes the reasons for the decline in tax revenue, and proposes alternative policies consistent with the administrative capacity of the Niger government and the existing socioeconomic environment. 相似文献
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