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The Australian Women’s National League was founded in response to the gaining of the federal franchise by Australian women. It founders were conservative elite women whose politics were anti‐democratic, laissez faire and opposed to the public exercise of women’s citizenship. The League’s interaction with democracy proved to be mutually constitutive. The League’s crude anti‐socialist ideology and its capacity for electoral organisation gave the AWNL an impact on the content and conduct of Australian democracy which far exceeded that made by other groupings of political women. And the League’s platforms and programmes slowly broadened to include state action in progressive and even feminist causes. But its continuing refusal to endorse a public role for political women limited the League’s ability to appeal to a new generation of progressive women.  相似文献   
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Children in the United States are exposed to alarmingly high rates of violence and trauma. Notable are the rates of maltreatment among children and the heightened risk for both out of home placement and an array of developmental, behavioral, and psychosocial sequelae. Despite these risks, little information is available on effective interventions and services designed to address the complex needs of youth in residential treatment settings. To effectively respond to their unique developmental, behavioral, and emotional needs, trauma-informed interventions and services must be provided to support optimal outcomes. To this end, this paper delineates the prevalence of children in residential care secondary to chronic maltreatment and other trauma exposures, identifies behavioral and emotional issues through the theoretical framework of complex trauma, highlights the importance of organizational capacity to deliver trauma-informed services, and describes effective clinical interventions that are often used in residential treatment. Clinical considerations and recommendations are also provided.  相似文献   
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Until the latter part of the 1960s, the American public was inattentive to the problem of crime in the upperworld. Due to a confluence of events (e.g., Watergate affair, Vietnam War, civil rights movement), concern about this lawlessness rose precipitously in the 1970s. Public attention toward and willingness to punish white-collar crime has persisted into the twenty-first century. We argue, however, that due to a series of recent scandals (e.g., Enron, WorldCom), public opinion about upperworld offenders has been transformed qualitatively. High-profile offenders are now seen not as respected community citizens but as “bad guys” whose crimes reflect inordinate greed and a disturbing lack of concern for victims. This typification is conducive to the prosecution of white-collar offenders but may have the unanticipated consequence of deflecting attention away from structural sources of corporate illegal enterprises.  相似文献   
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An examination of data from 120 male and female batterers of varied age and marital, educational, and economic status, who attended group treatment for batterers or who were charged with domestic violence from January to February 1996 in a district court setting, produced the following findings: Stalkers tended to live alone, were less likely to be married, not living with children, and used more alcohol than nonstalkers. They also tended to have had a history of prior stalking offenses and of being abused themselves. Factor analysis found three stalking groupings: one in which discrediting was the key, a second revolving around love turning to hate, and a third with violent confrontation with the ex-partner.  相似文献   
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