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AGNES BATORY 《管理》2012,25(4):639-660
A large number of “independent” anticorruption agencies (ACAs) sprung up around the world in past decades. Yet little comparative work has been done to explain the diversity of their organizational forms or development trajectories. Using insights from regulatory theory and the regulation of government literature, this article argues that the formal powers and independence ACAs are granted crucially depend on whether external and/or domestic impetuses for setting them up can counterbalance governments' incentives for no action, or only symbolic action. The ACAs' initial mandate influences but does not determine how they fare in later life: Support or obstruction from ruling governments, their own ability to use strategic resources, and leadership shape the extent to which the agencies are able to carry out their tasks in practice. These arguments are examined through comparison of three ACAs in the European Union's “new” member states—Latvia, Poland, and Slovenia.  相似文献   
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This article shows how the European Commission cultivates policy shifts toward a particular idea of a common European Higher Education Area by using its considerable financial leverage. By making European Union (EU) funding dependent on grant recipients meeting certain strategically selected conditions, the Commission creates new incentive structures for domestic actors, in this case higher education institutions (HEIs), with two important consequences. First, the Commission turns universities into agents for its policies: Universities lobby governments to pass legislation, which would allow them to conform to Commission requirements. Second, HEIs try to comply with the Commission's requirements even in the absence of compatible national frameworks, thereby leapfrogging policy decisions on the national level. Describing this as a “soft” mechanism for achieving convergence, as Open Method of Coordination accounts posit, overlooks the fundamentally non‐negotiable nature of the process from the participants' perspective and considerably underestimates the Commission's real influence. We examine this argument through a case study of an EU‐funded higher education program, Erasmus Mundus.  相似文献   
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AGNES HELLER 《Ratio juris》1996,9(2):138-152
Abstract. The tension between liberalism and democracy is very likely to become one of the major confliction fields of the early twenty-first century. Those conflicts include the redefinition of the relationship between ethics, morality, and law—in all the three spheres of modernity: the intimate, the private and the public. It turns out that all three aspects of the relationship once described by Hegel (law, morality and Sittlichkeit ) remain equally decisive to maintain or regain the balance of freedoms in the modern world. There is no justice, nor is there equity—unless this balance is maintained. Law—in this context—is not just the defender of the "universal" aspect, but preferably also that of the balance of freedoms (both through interfering, and through the denial of interference in "ethical life").  相似文献   
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This article investigates how and to what extent member states comply with EU obligations in terms of process and outcome. The aim is to demonstrate how norm‐conform behaviour unfolds, or fails to unfold, in an interaction between a member state and the European Commission. The empirical focus is on recent rule of law crises in France, Hungary and Romania. The argument is that member states engage in symbolic and/or creative compliance, designed to create the appearance of norm‐conform behaviour without giving up their original objectives. The cases illustrate that creative and symbolic compliance strategies may be successfully employed by member states because they enable the Commission to disengage from conflicts it judges too costly and yet maintain its credibility, and are conditioned by the visibility of failure to change facts on the ground. The implication is that, at times, not only is compliance symbolic, but also to some extent is enforcement.  相似文献   
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Although European Union (EU) membership generates similar functional pressures for national administrations, member states developed institutional arrangements that show marked cross‐country variation in the coordination of EU policy. This article examines and assesses the institutions and mechanisms established in Hungary for formulating policy positions on the domestic level. In line with the general features of central government, the system is highly centralized and hierarchical, and has been characterized by a comprehensive coordination ambition from its inception. The case confirms the primary importance of national institutional factors for shaping coordination systems, but also the relevance of more actor‐centered explanations for accounting for changes in the top decision‐making tier. At the same time, the Hungarian experience also draws attention to power relations within governing parties and prime ministerial involvement as important variables so far relatively neglected in the literature.  相似文献   
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This study examines various social correlates of adolescent deviant behaviour in Hong Kong. An integrated theoretical model is constructed which incorporates variables derived from major theories of juvenile delinquency: namely, differential association theory, control theory, strain theory, and labelling theory. Data were collected through a self-report questionnaire administered to a sample of 1,139 students from ten randomly selected secondary schools during early 1986. Path analysis is performed so that the direct, indirect, and total effects of each of the variables can be estimated and compared with those of other variables. Findings suggest that differential association theory can make the greatest contributions in explaining adolescent deviant behaviour in Hong Kong, followed by control theory and labelling theory. Strain theory did not receive any support from the data. Theoretical implications of the results are discussed.  相似文献   
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