Fertility differential by husbands' occupational status and income in Dhanbad district,Jharkhand, India

The paper attempts to find out fertility differential by husbands' occupational status and income level in Dhanbad district, Jharkhand (India). The mean number of children ever born (MCEB) is used to measure fertility, and monthly income as the income variable. Older and younger cohorts of women were examined separately for assessing fertility differential. MCEB was found to be high for women with husbands employed as labourers with a low monthly income. This was true for both the cohorts, but fertility levels were much higher among the older cohort. Low MCEB was found with increasing income of husbands and for those in private jobs.

Différence de fécondité en fonction du statut professionnel et du revenu des maris dans le district de Dhanbad, Jharkhand, Inde

Cet article cherche à établir des différences potentielles sur le plan de la fécondité en fonction du statut professionnel des maris et de leur niveau de revenu dans le district de Dhanbad, à Jharkhand (Inde). Le nombre moyen d'enfants par femme (NMEF) est employé pour mesurer la fécondité, et le revenu moyen comme variable de revenu. Des groupes de femmes jeunes et plus âgées ont été examinés séparément pour évaluer la différence sur le plan de la fécondité. On a constaté que le NMEF était élevé pour les femmes dont les époux travaillaient comme ouvriers et percevaient un revenu mensuel faible. Il en était ainsi des deux groupes, mais le degré de fécondité était beaucoup plus élevé parmi les membres du groupe des femmes plus âgées. Un NMEF plus faible a été constaté parmi celles dont les maris avaient des revenus supérieurs ou occupaient des postes dans le secteur privé.

Diferencial de fertilidade pela condição ocupacional dos maridos e renda no distrito de Dhanbad, Jharkhand, Índia

O artigo visa descobrir o diferencial de fertilidade em razão da condição ocupacional dos maridos e nível de renda no distrito de Dhanbad, Jharkhand (Índia). O número médio de crianças nascidas (MCEB) é utilizado para medir a fertilidade, e a renda mensal como variável de renda. Grupos de mulheres mais velhas e mais novas foram examinados separadamente para se avaliar o diferencial de fertilidade. O MCEB encontrado foi alto para mulheres com maridos empregados como trabalhadores com baixa renda mensal. Isto ocorreu em ambos os grupos, mas os níveis de fertilidade foram muito mais altos entre o grupo mais velho. Um baixo MCEB foi encontrado com a renda crescente dos maridos e para aqueles em empregos privados.

La diferencial de fertilidad según el reconocimiento profesional y los ingresos de los esposos en el distrito de Dhanbad, Jharkhand, India

Este ensayo busca establecer la diferencial de fertilidad según el reconocimiento profesional y el nivel de ingresos de los esposos en el distrito de Dhanbad, en Jharkhand, India. El número promedio de hijos nacidos (NPHN) se utilizó para medir la fertilidad y se estableció la variable de ingreso de acuerdo al ingreso mensual. Se examinaron por separado grupos de mujeres, jóvenes y mayores, para evaluar la diferencial de fertilidad. Se determinó que el NPHN era alto para las mujeres cuyos esposos trabajaban como obreros con ingresos mensuales bajos. Esta situación prevalecía en ambos grupos de mujeres, pero los niveles de fertilidad eran más altos para el grupo de mayor edad. Un NPHN bajo se asoció a esposos con ingresos más altos o con un empleo en el sector privado.     

Transformation of political elite as regime changes in Pakistan

Burton and Higely [(2001). ‘The study of political elite transformations’, International review of sociology/Revue internationale de sociologie, 11(2): 181–199] argue that when elites of a society are not united this will lead to an unstable political regime. Consensual elite cohesion is only created through distinctive elite transformation. This essay attempts to elaborate their argument in Pakistan, by developing a link among a continuous regime shift from authoritarian to democratic governments and the political elites who keep transforming their structure accordingly. The technique followed for it is analysing the epochal events over time from pre-partition till date which became reason for regime transformations. The discussion focuses on the collusions and contestations of multiple power elites within given social context which are embedded under the international context. It concludes that political elites in Pakistan were always embraced by multiple other power elites who accordingly hold dual elite identity to control the command post in the political arena. Such complex elite structure makes it paradoxical to distinguish political elite of Pakistan from other power elites of Pakistan.     

Development of Latent Fingermarks on Various Surfaces Using ZnO‐SiO2 Nanopowder

Fingermarks are one of the most useful forms of evidence in identification and can provide generalized proof of identity in crime investigation. They are developed using various conventional powders. The novel nanopowder ZnO‐SiO₂ was synthesized via the conventional heating method and characterized by Fourier transform infrared spectroscopy (FTIR), scanning electron microscope (SEM), energy‐dispersive X‐ray (EDX) analysis, transmission electron microscope (TEM), and X‐ray diffraction (XRD). The mean particle size of ZnO‐SiO₂ nanopowder calculated through TEM was 32.9 nm. The development of fingermarks was carried out by powder dusting and small particle reagent (SPR) methods. Powder dusting method was used for the development of latent fingermarks on various dry, nonporous, and semi‐porous surfaces. The SPR method was also applied to wet nonporous surface. The developed latent fingermarks using ZnO‐SiO₂ nanopowder were found to have excellent quality with very clear third‐level ridges detail and had better visibility than commercially available white powder.     

Civil society and spaces for natural resource governance in Kenya

Abstract

In the Kenyan context of new resource discoveries and an ambitious devolution programme, and what is argued to be a shrinking of civic space globally, the role of civil society organisations (CSOs) working on natural resource governance is critical. The resilience, space and capacity of civil society to engage in the policy process, from community-based organisations to national non-governmental organisations, all shape outcomes in terms of legislation, policy and management of scarce resources. Drawing on interviews with CSOs from across Kenya, following the new 2010 constitution and devolution programme, this article explores how new negotiated spaces of participation around resource governance have emerged in Kenya. Using multidimensional frameworks to analyse power relations, it explores how Kenyan CSOs are cautiously redefining roles, offering expertise when devolved governments struggle, and standing up to powerful interests of corporate lobbies with varying degrees of success.     

USB Storage Device Forensics for Windows 10

Significantly increased use of USB devices due to their user‐friendliness and large storage capacities poses various threats for many users/companies in terms of data theft that becomes easier due to their efficient mobility. Investigations for such data theft activities would require gathering critical digital information capable of recovering digital forensics artifacts like date, time, and device information. This research gathers three sets of registry and logs data: first, before insertion; second, during insertion; and the third, after removal of a USB device. These sets are analyzed to gather evidentiary information from Registry and Windows Event log that helps in tracking a USB device. This research furthers the prior research on earlier versions of Microsoft Windows and compares it with latest Windows 10 system. Comparison of Windows 8 and Windows 10 does not show much difference except for new subkey under USB Key in registry. However, comparison of Windows 7 with latest version indicates significant variances.     

Constitutional Contestation of Religion in Sri Lanka

ABSTRACT

Sri Lanka’s constitutional policy regarding religion affords the ‘foremost place’ to Buddhism and obligates the state to protect and foster the Buddha Sasana, whilst assuring the rights and freedoms of the other religions. By explicitly creating a special status for Buddhism, the constitution has produced the category of the ‘Other’ that has the potential to discriminate against minorities in a pluralistic society and to undermine the fundamental principle of equality. The creation of this distinction generated contestation during constitutional reforms. By examining reform proposals on religion, interview material and comparing the debates of the Constitutional Assembly (October/November 2017) with the Constituent Assembly debates (1970–71), this study retraces the evolution of the Buddhism Chapter and identifies the present contestations and their role in deciding a constitutional arrangement for religion.     

Associations and democracy in Algeria

What role does associational activism play in political life in the Middle East and North Africa? Have associations been largely co-opted, thus reinforcing authoritarian governance? Or are they part of drawn out democratization processes, emerging over the last two decades, exploding during the Arab Spring? Divergences in responses to these questions have been striking. From initial optimism about the potential of associations to contribute to democratization, much recent literature has been increasingly pessimistic, framing associations as part of the problem of failed political transformations. Algeria, in particular, despite minimal donor funding, has seen a surge in associations over the last 20 years. Yet, these 93,000 new associations have come under scrutiny. Building on extensive fieldwork, this article explores Algerian associations at grass-roots level, after the decade of violence in the 1990s. It analyses how associations challenged the state during the Arab Spring, how they question historical state narratives and challenge government policies. Despite political and structural obstacles, it is found that Algerian civic associations do not inhibit democratic society, indeed they enable it, not necessarily as transformative actors, but as meaningful democratic agents pushing for reform.