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Multilateralism has become an increasingly significant part of Asia's international relations. This paper critiques the premise that there are two phases of regional multilateralism, pre- and post-global financial crisis and instead argues that there has been one long 25-year expansion phase. Initially, this was prompted by the risks and opportunities of globalization but was adapted as a strategy to manage a changing regional order. More recently, regional multilateralism has taken on competitive characteristics reflecting Asia's more contested dynamics. The US and its allies are trying to use multilateralism as part of their broader strategy to sustain the prevailing regional order. China is also attempting to use multilateralism as a part of its efforts to change the region to one more in line with its interests and values. Multilateralism has become a sublimated form of contestation over the form and function of Asia's international order. A key consequence of this will be to weaken the policy impact of existing institutional efforts and to promote zero-sum approaches to international policy among many Asian states.  相似文献   
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East Asia's security environment is changing rapidly. Over the past five years or so, the security order has become increasingly unsettled as it is buffeted by a complex array of forces. The region is entering a period of growing rivalry and animosity states are uncertain over the strategic intentions of great and rising powers, nationalism is an increasingly pervasive force, and military spending has been ramping up in many countries over the past decade. That the security environment is changing is unarguable. But what is the extent of these changes? And what are the implications of these shifts for regional states? This paper introduces the special issue “East Asia's Contested Security Order”. It begins by discussing the broad contours of the changing East Asian security order and what is at stake for regional powers. It then introduces the seven articles in this edition that challenge existing conceptualisations of the East Asian security order, articulate diverse perspectives on that order held by regional, middle and smaller powers, examine their complex and different security strategies that contribute to shaping the regional order, and consider the extent to which the regional security order may be said to be “contested”.  相似文献   
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East Asia's security order is experiencing significant change as it moves from a stable and peaceful geopolitical setting into one of increasingly open contestation. There is no scholarly consensus about the core character of East Asia's old security order, thus making analysis of this period of change especially challenging. The aim of this paper is two‐fold. Firstly, it seeks to provide some order to the broader debate about East Asia's regional security environment. Secondly, it provides a novel account of East Asia's security order that better captures the key dynamics at play in the region than the literature currently does. The paper's first part discusses the different types of security orders identified by scholars and analysts. The second examines the ways in which scholars have attempted to explain East Asia's security order and explores the key forces that they have argued shaped their form. The third part develops a distinctive account of Asia's security order which focuses on the interplay of domestic and international factors and argues that it was the political consensus that existed across the region about its structure and purpose that made the region stable and it is the breakdown of that consensus that is destabilising East Asia today.  相似文献   
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Since the late 1990s, many developed states and customs territorieshave been seeking out preferential trade deals. This articleexamines this trend, which has been especially evident in theAsia-Pacific, and focuses specifically on Australia as a leadingexponent of preferentialism in the region. The article has twodistinct aims. First, to shed light on the thinking behind Australia'sforeign economic policy and, specifically, to examine the motivationsfor moving away from multilateral and non-discriminatory meansof advancing its free trade agenda in the region. Second, itaims to examine the developing dynamics of regional economicco-operation in the Asia-Pacific given the stasis of existinginstitutional efforts. This paper begins with a brief examinationof the regional context and Australia's approach to trade policy.It then considers the nature of Australia's preferential bilateralismand its aims and motivations. The article shows that Australianpolicy-makers believe that preferential agreements can providetrade creation through market access, as well as broader benefitswhich derive from market expansion. Australia is motivated topursue preferentialism by concern about existing institutions,by the technical appeal of bilateral agreements, and by thebroader trend toward preferentialism in the international system,as well as shifts in its own domestic politics. The paper concludeswith a short examination of the character of regionalism inthe Asia-Pacific in the light of burgeoning regional bilateralism.  相似文献   
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