The intellectual legacy of J.E. Hodgetts

Abstract: J.E. (Ted) Hodgetts was influenced by both the political economy approach that he learned at the University of Toronto and by the comprehensive historical method developed by Leonard White, under whom he studied at Chicago. His first great project, Pioneer Public Service, convinced him that responsible government was impossible without responsible public administration. The authors examine how his response to management theories and practices evolved following his participation in the Glassco, Lambert and Gomery commissions. Hodgetts consistently refused the complete separation of politics and administration, and he promoted the use of management techniques to strengthen parliamentary supervision of the public service. The two key components of his legacy are thus a commitment to the democratic values of representative government and the comprehensive study of the internal dynamics of public administration in interaction with the relevant environmental factors.     

Rethinking the Roots of Terrorism: Beyond Orthodox Terrorism Theory—A Critical Research Agenda∗

The orthodox understanding of terrorism does not seem to provide adequate means for explaining the root causes of terrorism. This study is an attempt to critically rethink the roots of terrorism by relocating the study of terrorism into a conceptual space in which it can gain access to the tools provided by conflict studies. As a result this work addresses a gap in the field of terrorism studies and provides an explanation and clarification of the existence of orthodox terrorism discourse and the creation of an alternative theoretical framework for rethinking the roots of terrorism.     

Ideological hybrids: the contrary case of Tory anarchism

This article provides an account of ideological hybridity. It describes and categorizes four main types of ideological hybrid in order to examine a range of sub-ideologies and cross-breeds but concentrates on identifying and assessing the particular phenomena described as conservative (or ‘Tory’) anarchisms. The article demonstrates how an ideological hybrid’s morphological relationship to its parent ideologies can alter in different geographical or historical contexts. Using this model, it argues that some differences between conservatism and anarchism are overstressed (such as those over the role of the state and individual rights), whilst some important similarities are often overlooked, namely those surrounding their political epistemologies. However, because apparently shared concepts are structured next to radically different core principles (defence/rejection of hierarchies and prioritizing/negation of dominant economic institutions), these shared principles are interpreted in radically different ways. As a result, conservative anarchism is a deeply unstable hybrid rather than an innovative new ideological form. It is one which, in most contexts, stabilizes into a form of conservatism rather than a form of anarchism.     

Not anonymous: ministerial responsibility and the British accounting officers

Abstract: The doctrine of ministerial responsibility has three components: the collective responsibility of the cabinet; the individual responsibility of ministers; and the anonymity of the public servants. This paper examines one important exception to the doctrine of anonymity, the British accounting officers. These officers, normally the permanent secretaries (equivalent to deputy ministers), are responsible for the financial administration of departments and are held accountable for this by the Public Accounts Committee. A similar practice was proposed for Canada by the Lambert Commission but was rejected by the government, especially by the Privy Council Office. This paper argues that the pco did not adequately represent the structure or importance of the British practice of assigning direct responsibility to accounting officers and in so doing has foreclosed serious consideration of an important area of reform to the machinery of government: identification of areas of government where public servants rather than ministers should hold responsibility and accountability. As a result, Canada has lagged behind other parliamentary democracies in moving into this important area of reform. At the same time, the theory that ministers should be responsible for administration has not led to effective accountability to Parliament in Canada. Sommaire: La doctrine de la responsabilité ministérielle a trois volets: la responsabilité collective du conseil des ministres; la responsabilité individuelle des ministres; enfin, l'anonymité des fonctionnaires. Dans cet article, on examine une exception importante à la doctrine de l'anonymité: les agents comptables britanniques. Ces agents, généralement des secrétaires permanents (équivalant aux sous-ministres), sont chargés de l'administration financière des ministères et en sont tenus responsables par le Comité des comptes publics. Une pratique semblable, proposée pour le Canada par la Commission Lambert, a été rejetée par le gouvernement, et tout particulièrementpar le Bureau du Conseil Privé. Dans cet article, on affirme que le BCP n'a pas représenté de manière adéquate la structure ou l'importance de la pratique britannique qui revient à accorder la responsabilité directe aux agents comptables; ce faisant, il aurait empěché de considérer un élément important de la réforme du mécanisme gouvernemental, c'est-à-dire l'étude des domaines administratifs où la responsabilité devrait incomber aux fonctionnaires plutǒt qu'aux ministres. Par conséquent, le Canada a pris du retard par rapport aux autres démocraties pralementaires en ce qui concerne ce secteur de réforme très important. par contre, la théorie voulant que les ministres soient responsables de l'administration n'a pas créé, au Canada, une responsabilité de révision de comptes efficace au sein du Parlement.     

Simple laboratory experiments to replicate some of the stresses on vertebro-basilar arterial walls. An investigation of possible mechanisms of traumatic subarachnoid haemorrhage

The hypothesis that reversed blood flow in transiently occluded vertebral arteries may be responsible for some cases of massive traumatic subarachnoid haemorrhage has been investigated in vitro. Simple laboratory tests were performed on 25 vertebro-basilar arterial systems, and succeeded in producing either longitudinal tears in normally structured vertebral arteries, or tears at the origin of the posterior inferior cerebellar arteries. The results indicated that under such conditions, with systolic blood pressure in the physiological range, reversed blood flow had different characteristics and stressed the arterial wall to the point where it yielded.     

Feminisms, Islamophobia and Identities

There has been a tendency of late to conflate all Muslims as belonging to a single nation and aspiring to a single political aim. This effect has been achieved by some authors so as to accommodate Islamophobia, but by others to generate a sense of inclusive unity that encloses all Muslims. We contend that in the post 9/11 climate of Islamophobia women wearing the scarf, the mohajabehs, are making a political choice. They are publicly branding themselves as Muslims at a time when such a label carries the potential fear of making them vulnerable to open hostility. But the Islam that they embody is distinct and different from the stark, gendered divides envisaged by protagonists on both side of the Islamophobic divide. The unity demanded by some of the highly vocal and visible Islamic groups marginalises the contestations posed within these groups by women who may be described as feminists. The specificities demanded by those who envisage Islam primarily as an antagonistic political force in the UK are very different from the flexibility that many women envisage. They aspire to belong to the Umma or people of Islam, conceptualised as crossing ethnic, racial, geographical and political boundaries, an identity that is primarily inclusive rather than exclusive. The multiplicities of identities of many mohajabehs sit more easily within the permeable unbounded umma than the constrained gendered boundaries of the combative male political Islamism.     

The body as a form of representation

This article explores some discursive constructions of slums and the narrative foundations that sustain them. In such discourses, the distancing function of language demarcates a slum-line that defines and creates a “natural” separation between slums and the rest of urban populations to the extent that some see that the modern concept of slum opens an urban dimension of Orientalism. Slum discourses generate narratives that, after repeated exposure, accrue to become history, culture and knowledge. Drawing from Bruner's work on narrative accrual, this article studies how slum-narratives accrue according to specific agendas that determine lines of socio-political action on slum-dwellers.