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Eric McGhee 《Legislative Studies Quarterly》2014,39(1):55-85
In recent decades, the literature has coalesced around either symmetry or responsiveness as measures of partisan bias in single‐member district systems. I argue neither accurately captures the traditional idea of an “efficient” gerrymander, where one party claims more seats without more votes. I suggest a better measure of efficiency and then use this new measure to reconsider a classic study of partisan gerrymandering. Contrary to the original study findings, I show that the effects of party control on bias are small and decay rapidly, suggesting that redistricting is at best a blunt tool for promoting partisan interests. 相似文献
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Derek McGhee 《Liverpool Law Review》2008,29(1):99-115
In many ways his article confronts the Sociologist C. Wright Mills’s famous injunction on turning private troubles into public
issues. However, this is a trickier process than usual as the victims at the centre of these private troubles are not children,
women, lesbian, gays, the elderly, or the disabled. The victims here are what Stan Cohen has described as ‘impure victims’,
in that they are individuals who are suspected of being ‘involved’ in ‘terrorist’ activities. The private troubles these impure
victims are experiencing are the loss of many of the rights most of us enjoy (for example, the right to liberty and the right
to a fair trial). The public issue that will be examined here is what étienne Balibar refers to as the reality of the extreme
violence of the State in contemporary societies against ‘radically excluded’ individuals. This chapter is an examination of
the long and winding road to the Government achieving its over-riding ambition in the war on terror in the UK: the deportation
of terror suspects to regimes where (despite diplomatic assurances) torture is inevitable.
相似文献
Derek McGheeEmail: |
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Scotland in 2014 and 2015 provides an ideal context for examining EU citizenship political rights as established in the Maastricht Treaty of 1993 from the perspective of Polish migrants resident in Scotland. We argue that the contrast between Polish migrants’ full enfranchisement in the Scottish Independence Referendum in 2014 to then being disenfranchised from the UK General Election in 2015 is a significant site for observing how EU laws interact with state-centric and also ‘post-national’ notions of citizenship. Our participants’ experiences of voting in the Referendum and subsequently not being able to vote in the General Election were articulated in the following terms: (a) the justification of their political rights in terms of their stake and contribution in the UK; (b) their frustrations with regards to anti-migration rhetoric and the limitations of European citizenship; and for some, (c) their plans of apply for British citizenship in the context of EU membership uncertainty. 相似文献
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This article focuses on the experiences of Scotland’s largest foreign-born minority group, namely Poles, in the run-up to the Scottish independence referendum in 2014. We draw on 20 in-depth interviews to explore our participants’ intentions and justifications for voting (or not) in the referendum. We found that our participants tended to emphasise the jus domicili principle when justifying their eligibility to vote in the referendum. However, our participants extended the jus domicili principle in their justifications to also include the intention to stay in Scotland as a central aspect of their continuing stake in (and right to vote in the referendum to determine) Scotland’s future. Through exploring our participants’ justifications for voting in the referendum, we were able to examine and better understand how migrants constitute their citizenship through articulating their substantive attachments (social, economic and relational or familial) in their adoptive country and in their country of origin. 相似文献
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Eric McGhee Seth Masket Boris Shor Steven Rogers Nolan McCarty 《American journal of political science》2014,58(2):337-351
Many theoretical and empirical accounts of representation argue that primary elections are a polarizing influence. Likewise, many reformers advocate opening party nominations to nonmembers as a way of increasing the number of moderate elected officials. Data and measurement constraints, however, have limited the range of empirical tests of this argument. We marry a unique new data set of state legislator ideal points to a detailed accounting of primary systems in the United States to gauge the effect of primary systems on polarization. We find that the openness of a primary election has little, if any, effect on the extremism of the politicians it produces. 相似文献
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Although campaign strategy often, and perhaps increasingly, emphasizes the mobilization of core supporters, we know little
about whether campaigns affect the partisan complexion of the electorate. We examine whether the balance of Democratic and
Republican voters depends on the balance of campaign activity, the popularity of the incumbent president, and the state of
the economy. Drawing on time-series cross-sectional data from state exit polls, we demonstrate that the partisan composition
of voters depends on campaign activity more than on the political and economic fundamentals. 相似文献
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