A Partial Revolution: The Diplomatic Ethos and Transparency in Intergovernmental Organizations

The World Trade Organization and other intergovernmental organizations confront a crisis of legitimacy that is partly rooted in their perceived secretiveness. These organizations have attempted to address this crisis by promising "the maximum possible level of transparency," but in fact, the improvements have been modest. Policies regarding access to information about intergovernmental organizations' operations continue to accommodate conventions of diplomatic confidentiality. Such conventions are more likely to be breached in areas where disclosure of information is essential to economic liberalization. A true revolution in transparency would require more rigorous policies on disclosure of information held by intergovernmental organizations such as the World Trade Organization, and could be justified as a prerequisite for the exercise of basic human rights, such as the right to participate fully in the policy-making process.     

Permanent representations to the European Union

Despite the burgeoning literature devoted to the European Union, there has been little scholarly attention devoted to the role of EU permanent representations and the degree to which they act as a linkage between member states and EU institutions. This article attempts to address this gap by focusing upon the structures, tasks and activities of permanent representations.     

Worrying about misconduct: the control lobby and the PS 2000 reforms

Abstract: In 1989, the Canadian government announced a plan to reform the federal public service that would reduce the number of rules imposed on line managers and promote a “results-oriented, entrepreneurial” culture. Public discussion about the reforms was dominated by a community of groups and individuals, which the author characterizes as a “control lobby.” Constituents of the control lobby worried that the proposed reforms would undermine parliamentary control over the public service and increase bureaucratic misconduct. The lobby slowed implementation of, and caused modifications to, institutional reforms and undercut efforts towards culture change. The attention that it gave to incidents of perceived misconduct may also have reinforced popular beliefs about the dangers of reform. The paper describes the key members of the control lobby, their reaction to the PS 2000 reforms and attempts by reform leaders to respond to their concerns. It suggests that a major weakness of the PS 2000 initiative was its failure to anticipate and craft a response to worries expressed by the control lobby. Sommaire: En 1989, le gouvernement canadien a annoncé un plan de réforme de la Fonction publique fédérale visant à réduire le nombre de règles régissant les gérants hiérarchiques et à promouvoir un «esprit d'entreprise axé sur les résultats». Le débat public concernant ces réformes a été dominé par un ensemble de groupes et d'individus caractérisés par l'auteur comme étant des partisans du contrôle. Ces derniers s'inquiétaient du fait que les réformes proposées risquaient de soustraire la fonction publique au contrôle parlementaire et d'augmenter les vicissitudes bureaucratiques. Ce groupe de pression a ralenti la mise en oeuvre des réformes institutionnelles et les a modifiées, et il a sapé les efforts visant à faire évoluer les esprits. Ayant attiré l'attention sur les incidents où il semblait y avoir un comportement incorrect des fonctionnaires, il a peut-être aussi réussi à renforcer les croyances populaires concernant le danger des réformes. L'article décrit les principaux membres de ce groupe de pression, leur réaction face aux réformes de la FP 2000, et les efforts des leaders de la réforme pour répondre à leurs inquiétudes. II suggère que le fait de ne pas avoir prévu les inquiétudes exprimées par les partisans du contrôle et de ne pas avoir préparé de réponse adéquate constitue une faiblesse importante de l'initiative FP 2000.     

Question Time: Questionnaires and Maastricht

This paper seeks to highlight the main elements of the 'strategic-relational'approach to (Marxist) state theory, developed particularly by Bob Jessop. The legacy of Nicos Poulantzas in particular is singled out for its importance in laying the foundations for such an approach. This is followed by a discussion of Jessop and his development of many ideas bequeathed by Poulantzas, culminating in various moves toward a strategic-relational analysis. These moves are then critically assessed, with some wider thoughts on the approach offered in conclusion.     

“Civic discovery” as a rhetorical strategy

Much research in the field of public management is distinguished by its rejection of the politics-administration dichotomy and its emphasis on the public manager's responsibility for political management. By rejecting the dichotomy, however, scholars in public management have reopened debate over an old question: Why is it right for public managers to exercise political power in the policymaking process? It is argued that the dichotomy served as a rhetorical strategy for allaying public concern about bureaucratic power, and that public management scholars must now invent a new strategy to take its place. This article evaluates one strategy, proposed by Moore and Reich, which is premised on the idea that managers may legitimize the exercise of discretion by showing it to be consistent with a mandate that is produced through a fair process of deliberation. It is argued that the new strategy may overestimate the ability to build mandates, the ability to build deliberative processes that are manifestly fair, and the willingness of dissentient citizens to defer to such mandates. The new strategy will also bind public managers to a demonstration of neutrality not unlike that imposed by the politics-administration dichotomy.     

Petitioning in the Scottish church courts, 1638–1707

ABSTRACT

This article explores the use of petitions in, and by, the courts of the Church of Scotland. It distinguishes between routine petitions and addresses concerning matters of national significance. The former were submitted to the church courts by individuals or groups, and requested that the courts take decisions or perform particular actions. These petitions reveal much about the exercise of discipline, poor relief and ecclesiastical administration, and provide rich evidence of the engagement of ordinary people with the church courts. The second type of petition was usually addressed to parliament or another secular body by one of the higher church courts. In studying petitions on national affairs, we can identify how the formulae of humble supplication were adapted for the purpose of protest, and thus comment on the tensions between the ecclesiastical and civil authorities of early modern Scotland.     

Is Public Management Neglecting the State?

Public management is a domain of research that is now roughly three decades old. Researchers in this area have made important advances in understanding about the performance of public organizations. But questions have been raised about the scope and methods of public management research (PMR). Does it neglect important questions about the development of major institutions of the modern state? Has it focused unduly on problems of the advanced democracies? Has it made itself irrelevant to public debates about the role and design of government, and the capacity of public institutions to deal with emerging challenges? This set of eight short essays were prepared for a roundtable held at the research conference of the PMR Association at the University of Aarhus in June 2016. Contributors were asked to consider the question: Is PMR neglecting the state?