首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   1070篇
  免费   60篇
各国政治   61篇
工人农民   45篇
世界政治   181篇
外交国际关系   69篇
法律   398篇
中国政治   13篇
政治理论   351篇
综合类   12篇
  2023年   9篇
  2022年   5篇
  2021年   9篇
  2020年   27篇
  2019年   28篇
  2018年   31篇
  2017年   38篇
  2016年   52篇
  2015年   27篇
  2014年   40篇
  2013年   132篇
  2012年   36篇
  2011年   35篇
  2010年   28篇
  2009年   28篇
  2008年   38篇
  2007年   44篇
  2006年   62篇
  2005年   59篇
  2004年   49篇
  2003年   61篇
  2002年   43篇
  2001年   22篇
  2000年   17篇
  1999年   14篇
  1998年   16篇
  1997年   19篇
  1996年   4篇
  1995年   10篇
  1994年   6篇
  1993年   14篇
  1992年   4篇
  1991年   9篇
  1990年   9篇
  1989年   8篇
  1988年   9篇
  1987年   5篇
  1986年   8篇
  1985年   10篇
  1983年   5篇
  1982年   4篇
  1981年   6篇
  1980年   7篇
  1979年   6篇
  1978年   7篇
  1977年   6篇
  1975年   4篇
  1974年   4篇
  1973年   4篇
  1972年   3篇
排序方式: 共有1130条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
Abstract

Though criminological literature shows that the manifestation of punitiveness in the criminal justice system is complex, it rarely differentiates between responses to different kinds of crimes. This constitutes a significant gap in knowledge, as it is widely believed that white-collar crimes are treated leniently. In light of the “heating up” of political rhetoric, the expansion of federal criminal law, and the increased maximum punishments on conviction, the article aims to explore whether prosecutorial and judicial responses to white-collar crimes have become more punitive, employing rarely used datasets from the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) between 1996 and 2014. It is demonstrated that these responses are more complex and less consistently punitive than the rhetoric and policies advanced by politicians. It endeavors to capture the complexity of punitiveness in practice by measuring numerous variables and multiple points in the criminal justice process, studying punitiveness from multiple angles, using prosecution and sentencing data.  相似文献   
2.
In the history and the study of organizedcrime, the validity and reliability ofsources have been particularly problematicmatters. Governmental fact-finding bodiesare frequently cited in this research area,including the now-defunct PennsylvaniaCrime Commission. For example, studiesoccasionally reference Philadelphia's``Black Mafia,' and each of these inquiriesrelies upon the work of the PennsylvaniaCrime Commission for ``analysis' of thegroup. In this article, the Commission'sfindings are presented and then critiqued. Significant Black Mafia activitiesunder-researched by the Commission are nextanalyzed, adding context to the currentunderstanding of the group. The articlechallenges current assumptions, places thegroup's history in context, and illustratesthe utility of primary source research.  相似文献   
3.
4.
Borrowing from Foucault (Governmentality. In G. Burchell, C. Gordon, & P. Miller (Eds.), Governmentality: The Foucault effect: Studies in governmentality (pp. 87–104). Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991) and Foucault and Gordon (Power-knowledge: Selected interviews and other writings, 1972–1977. Hassocks: Harvester Press, 1980) and the work of governmentality scholars in general, this paper examines Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design (CPTED) as a strategic form of governance. Using qualitative data gathered from semi-structured interviews with CPTED practitioners and supporters, I argue that the putative availability of expendable capital mediates, although does not necessarily negate, a practitioner’s ability to secure the conduct of conduct through the sharing of CPTED expertise. The importance of shifting power dynamics are examined before evaluating the data vis-à-vis contemporary scholarship in the areas of governmentality and crime and criminal justice research.  相似文献   
5.
6.
7.
This article discusses the process by which President Clinton achieved a budgetdeficit reduction package in Congress and the implications of this process. It concludes that future administrations will have more flexibility in debating whether the federal government should increase its scope or reduce taxes.  相似文献   
8.
9.
McGuinn  Patrick 《Publius》2005,35(1):41-68
The 2002 No Child Left Behind (NCLB) law dramatically reshapedthe federal role in K-12 education in the United States. Theimplementation of NCLB has been difficult and contentious, butmuch of the journalistic and scholarly coverage has underestimatedthe source, strength, and stability of the political coalitionthat originally pushed for passage of the law and appears likelyto sustain federal activism in education for the long term.For much of American history, the principle of federalism exerteda powerful restraining influence on the size and character ofthe federal role in education—but that time appears tohave passed. Regardless of whether NCLB ultimately improvesschools or student achievement, the law has created a new educationalfederalism in the United States.  相似文献   
10.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号