Kidnap for Ransom in South East Asia

Kidnapping for ransom is not a new phenomenon. According to the Control Risk Group, an international risk consultancy, kidnappings of foreign nationals globally have increased by 275% over the past 10 years. High profile incidents such as the tourist kidnappings in 2000 by the Abu Sayyaf group, operating out of the troubled southern region of the Philippines, show that South East Asia has its own regionalised kidnapping hotspots. It is suspected that a high proportion of kidnappings are perpetrated by economically motivated crime groups but it is not possible to estimate with any degree of accuracy what percentage can be attributed to organised crime. This article will provide an overview of the problem, drawing upon existing literature available in the public domain. A typological discussion will show the critical differences between the various categories of kidnapping. The reliability of existing statistics, categorisation and recording of kidnapping for ransom will also be scrutinised, in particular for their variability across the region, to see whether this presents a barrier to a better understanding of the size and seriousness of the problem. As kidnapping for ransom incidents are becoming increasingly transnational in character, the final section will highlight the desirability of formulating and agreeing upon regional standardised definitions and counting rules for kidnap.     

Legitimacy crises and the temporal dynamics of bureaucratic representation

The representation of specific groups and social interests within (or by) the civil service has long been a concern of public administration scholarship. Yet, much of this literature focuses on representation at a single point in time. In this article, we propose a more dynamic perspective. In terms of theory, we postulate specific temporal relationships between triggering cues (e.g., a crisis event) and the representation decisions of civil servants. We specify two complementary mechanisms underlying these relationships: that is, a sensemaking process whereby the perceived meaning and relative salience of distinct groups and interests changes over time; and a shift in bureaucrats' discretion to represent specific groups or interests changes over time. We illustrate these time-dependent processes using interview and survey data from the European Commission.     

Ring fractures of the base of the skull

Besides complete ring fracture, also incomplete fractures open to the front, back, or side(s) are discussed on the basis of 61 ring fractures of the base of the skull. The fractures were found in casualties from traffic accidents (car passengers, cyclists and motorcyclists, pedestrians), after falls and other accidents. In traffic accidents, compression, traction, hyperextension, extreme lateral movements, and torsional forces can lead to ring fractures. In falls, compression and traction are the main forces. A fall in one plane is also capable of producing an incomplete ring fracture. Incomplete ring fractures may show lateral emphasis. The greater fracture length is found on the impact side (e.g., in falls). In contrast to complete ring fractures, incomplete ring fractures are compatible with longer survival times. Ring fractures are to be classified under direct fractures. This does not exclude the possibility that overall deformations of the skull with bursts can partly determine the course of the fracture.     

Legitimacy through referendum? The nearly successful domino‐strategy of the Eu‐referendums in Austria,Finland, Sweden and Norway

The end of the Cold War made it possible for some neutral countries to join the European Union. However although the European integration promotes economic co‐operation it also reveals problems concerning national and regional identity. In order to legitimise EU‐membership, the new potential member states Austria, Finland, Sweden and Norway conducted referendums on whether or not they should join EU. These referendums, although different in some national aspects, are an example of an international synchronisation of the political establishments. This synchronisation is discussed in light of a ‘Domino‐Strategy’ of the referendums. Furthermore, the article describes some aspects of the referendum campaigns by stressing the importance of geographical differences, organisational standpoints, public opinion and discourse which shows astonishing similarities but also decisive differences.     

Environmental performance and policy regimes: Explaining variations in 18 OECD-countries

Although we are witnessing an increasing interest in the comparative study of environmental pollution in the social sciences, there is sharp disagreement over how the state of the environment and the changes in recent decades should be assessed. Furthermore, the debate on environmental policy has no conceptual focus on societal development. Therefore, the article presents, on the one hand, an index of environmental pollution that integrates the levels of pollution in 1990 and their changes in the 1980s, and, on the other hand, an index that incorporates the ideological aspects of social development. Using this distinction it is possible to identify different paths of societal development in 18 OECD countries. The final part of the article explores various structural, economic, institutional and political characteristics which may be used to explain the different outcomes. The results show that institutional factors are important for a successful environmental performance. However, when it comes to change in policy regime the degree of mobilization of ecological movements and parties is essential.     

Reducing medical complaints and litigation in Malaysia: turning patients' voices into opportunities

One of the most important ironies of modern health care is that public expectations are rising faster than the ability of health services to meet them. Patients nowadays no longer want to be treated as passive recipients of medical care but as co-producers or partners able to manage their illnesses. Thus, it is not surprising that poor communication and failure to take into account the patient's perspective are at the heart of most formal complaints and legal actions in Malaysia. The difficulties of existing complaint procedures in Malaysia have become manifest over the years and this has been accentuated by patients becoming more willing to challenge the decisions of medical practitioners and health service management in court. To reduce the number of complaints and risks of litigation, a more patient-centred approach should be adopted. When patients voice their concern by making a complaint or inquiry, this should be seen as a unique source of information for health care services on why adverse events occur and how to prevent them. As well as reducing future harm to patients, better management of complaints should restore trust and reduce the risk of litigation, through open communication and a commitment to learn from the problem. The existing procedures for patients to be heard in Malaysia should be reviewed and incorporate features such as responsiveness, accessibility, impartiality, simplicity, speed and accountability.     

Ideological Party Cohesion in Macro‐comparative Politics: The Nordic Social Democratic Parties from a Comparative Perspective

‘Party cohesion’ is a central concept in the analysis of agenda‐setting, veto players and coalition‐building as well as in the analysis of policy efficiency and party responsiveness. However, there is no indicator to measure party cohesion in a systematic manner over time and across parties. As a consequence, most established studies treat political parties as unitary actors although from an analytical point of view they should be considered collective actors. In order to overcome this deficiency, in this article a time‐variant and party‐specific index of party cohesion is developed which can be used in macro‐comparative statistical analysis. The concept of ‘ideological cohesion’ is developed along the Left–Right dimension. This index is applied in order to compare the party cohesion of Nordic social democratic parties (SDs) with their counterparts in 17 additional countries. The results show that the myth of the cohesion of Nordic SDs is only true for the golden age of the welfare state. Currently, most of the Nordic SDs actually have a lower party cohesion than their counterparts in many other countries.