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ABSTRACTSince the late 20th century, the federal government has regulated colleges’ and universities’ handling of campus sexual and gender-based violence (CSGBV). Although the arc of history has bent toward establishing greater protections for victims of such violence, new proposed regulation by the U.S. Department of Education under the Trump administration focuses more heavily on ensuring due process rights for students accused of CSGBV. Most recently, in November 2018, U.S. Secretary of Education, Betsy DeVos submitted a proposed rule change to the regulation of Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972. This article provides the historical context for this most recent proposed federal regulation of CSGBV and discusses the criticism of this proposal that, if it is implemented, students would become less safe in the ivory tower. 相似文献
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解决好我国社会工作在区域之间"不平衡"的发展问题,将是社会工作专业进一步参与提升民族地区基层社会治理能力和治理体系现代化水平的重要着力点和突破口.但当前民族地区社会工作发展的相关研究,为了突出民族地区的特殊性,将文化本身从当地的日常生活中抽离出来,成为研究的客体和对象,忽略了民族地区社会工作的"日常性",即少数民族群众生活的绵延性和社会工作的结构性的矛盾与统一.从日常性出发,民族地区社会工作应当遵循浸入而非介入、主体而非客体、理解而非解释、互构而非设计的实践取向. 相似文献
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Annelieke C. van den Berg Sarah N. Giest Sandra M. Groeneveld Wessel Kraaij 《Public administration review》2020,80(6):989-1000
Governments are increasingly implementing smart and digital approaches to promoting citizen participation. However, whether online participation platforms are tools that improve inclusivity in citizen participation remains underexplored. To address this gap, this article focuses on the role of recruitment messages and their effect on participation in an online participation platform by gender and age. A field experiment with a neighborhood census sample (N = 6,066) shows that online participation dips for younger and older citizens and is equal among women and men. For the age groups between 60 and 75, differences in the control and intervention recruitment messages significantly impacted participation. These findings can help public managers tailor recruitment strategies to facilitate inclusive participation and represent a first step toward learning what types of messages are effective for whom. 相似文献
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In response to research demonstrating that irrelevant contextual information can bias forensic science analyses, authorities have increasingly urged laboratories to limit analysts' access to irrelevant and potentially biasing information (Dror and Cole (2010) [3]; National Academy of Sciences (2009) [18]; President's Council of Advisors on Science and Technology (2016) [22]; UK Forensic Science Regulator (2015) [26]). However, a great challenge in implementing this reform is determining which information is task-relevant and which is task-irrelevant. In the current study, we surveyed 183 forensic analysts to examine what they consider relevant versus irrelevant in their forensic analyses. Results revealed that analysts generally do not regard information regarding the suspect or victim as essential to their analytic tasks. However, there was significant variability among analysts within and between disciplines. Findings suggest that forensic science disciplines need to agree on what they regard as task-relevant before context management procedures can be properly implemented. The lack of consensus about what is relevant information not only leaves room for biasing information, but also reveals foundational gaps in what analysts consider crucial in forensic decision making. 相似文献
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人民政协作为专门协商机构在国家治理体系和治理能力现代化建设中具有重要地位和作用,体现着中国特色社会主义民主政治的优势。国家治理的本质特征、价值理念与运作过程为人民政协专门协商机构制度建设赋予必要前提、基本遵循与现实要求,人民政协专门协商机构制度的功能结构主要包含政治协商、民主监督、决策参与、凝聚共识。基于体系过程与结构功能分析以及主体角色与优势效能分析,人民政协专门协商机构制度建设的关键领域分别是人民政协政治协商更好纳入国家治理决策过程以及人民政协政治协商有效发挥国家治理共识凝聚功能。 相似文献
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混合性党内法规能不能作为概念存在?其与党政联合发文是什么关系?它因何"入"规?有没有必要"入"规?这些问题都与当前建立完善的党内法规制度体系、协调党内法规与国家法律关系、推进依规治党等任务密切相关.基于对党政联合发文的实证分析可以得出,区分混合性党内法规和其他党政联合发文,把混合性党内法规纳入党内法规体系,并进一步规范其调整范围、制定实施、备案审查、清理等基本问题,是贯彻落实习近平法治思想,加快建设完备的党内法规制度体系,实现以"良法促进发展,保障善治"的基本条件.为此,还应当结合党内法规的形式和实质特征,合理控制党政联合制定混合性党内法规的数量,并明确混合性党内法规的边界,将其限定在党政机构统筹改革、党的直接管理、党政同责等领域. 相似文献
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ABSTRACTMany liberals have been immodest in postulating that their own progressive, secular liberalism is the only one that can be justified in public reason. In Liberalism’s Religion, I articulate a more modest theory of liberalism and religion. While I personally endorse progressive secular liberalism, I argue that it is only one of the reasonable conceptions of liberal justice. This liberal modesty has profound, hitherto unnoticed implications for (i) the role of religious arguments in the public sphere, (ii) the legitimacy of religious establishment, and (iii) the justifiability of religious exemptions. In this article, I defend these three claims by providing replies to my critics. 相似文献
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Godfred Matthew Yaw Owusu Rita Amoah Bekoe Fred Kwasi Anokye Lydia Anyetei 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2020,43(13):1143-1155
ABSTRACT This study examines the views of students on the ethics of tax evasion, their intentions to evade tax, and investigates the factors that predict such intentions. Relying on the extended version of the Theory of Planned Behaviour, the study investigated whether attitudes, subjective norms, perceived behavioural control, and moral obligation may be good predictors of the intention to evade tax. Data were gathered from 662 students of University of Ghana Business School using questionnaires. The hypotheses were tested using the structural equation modelling technique. Results indicate that the intention to evade tax among the students is low and most respondents generally perceive tax evasion as an unethical practice. The results also demonstrate that attitude, subjective norms and moral obligations have important implications on the intention to evade tax. The evidence we provide should be useful to governments and tax agencies interested in promoting responsible tax compliance behaviour among individual taxpayers. 相似文献