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Chioqueta AP  Stiles TC 《危机》2007,28(2):67-73
In this study we examined the role of psychological buffers (life satisfaction, self-esteem, perception of family cohesion, and perception of social support) in the development of hopelessness and suicidal ideation. The participants were 314 university students, 71 males and 243 females, who were asked to complete a battery of instruments measuring the psychological buffers mentioned above. The results of a set of hierarchical multiple regression analyses suggested that life satisfaction and self-esteem are independent predictors of lower levels of hopelessness, while perception of social support seems to be the major predictor of lower levels of suicidal ideation independent of depression and hopelessness severity. Thus, hopelessness seems to be minimized by the level of life satisfaction and level of self-esteem exhibited by the individuals, while the key factor to the mitigation of suicidal ideas seems to be perception of social support.  相似文献   
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Chioqueta AP  Stiles TC 《危机》2003,24(3):105-112
The present study examined the relationships between specific anxiety, mood disorders, levels of hopelessness, and suicide ideation. The sample consisted of 606 outpatients recruited from several psychiatric settings. It was found that dysthymia was significantly associated with hopelessness. Patients presenting major depressive episode with higher anxiety symptoms had significantly increased scores on the hopelessness scale. Major depressive episode and bipolar disorder, but not dysthymia, were significantly associated with higher levels of suicide ideation. Increased levels of anxiety symptoms in patients with dysthymia were associated with increased levels of suicide ideation, while increased depressive symptoms in patients with specific phobia and generalized anxiety disorder were associated with significantly lower levels of suicide ideation. The findings suggest that depressive disorders, but not anxiety disorders, constitute risk for suicide. Moreover, the differentiation between a depressive and an anxiety disorder as the principal diagnosis, as well as the assessment of anxiety-level symptoms in patients with major depressive episode and dysthymia, seems of special relevance when assessing suicide risk.  相似文献   
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Abstract: Secondary dentine is responsible for a decrease in the volume of the dental pulp cavity with aging. The aim of this study is to evaluate a human dental age estimation method based on the ratio between the volume of the pulp and the volume of its corresponding tooth, calculated on clinically taken cone beam computed tomography (CBCT) images from monoradicular teeth. On the 3D images of 111 clinically obtained CBCT images (Scanora®3D dental cone beam unit) of 57 female and 54 male patients ranging in age between 10 and 65 years, the pulp–tooth volume ratio of 64 incisors, 32 canines, and 15 premolars was calculated with Simplant® Pro software. A linear regression model was fit with age as dependent variable and ratio as predictor, allowing for interactions of specific gender or tooth type. The obtained pulp–tooth volume ratios were the strongest related to age on incisors.  相似文献   
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In the age of migration, the inclusion of immigrants in national politics is crucial for democratic reasons, and because it increases the coordination and cooperation ability of society. The informal norms, values and beliefs of the political culture are one aspect of the institutional and discursive opportunity structures immigrants face as ethnic and religious minorities. This article analyses the Danish political culture with regard to the potential barriers it has for the inclusion of immigrants in national political life. It finds that the predominantly liberal, secular and republican character of the Danish political culture excludes certain kinds of cultural and religious identities and interests at the symbolic discursive level, while Danish political culture may in fact provide more openness at the practical and institutional level. However, the question of whether or not Danish political culture is able to deal adequately with cultural and religious diversity remains.  相似文献   
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Negative physical and psychological long-term consequences of abuse and bullying are well documented. It is reasonable to assume that abuse and bullying early in life also may have an impact on the ability to work and stay economically independent later in life, but such prospective studies are lacking. This study investigates the consequences of exposure to abuse and bullying in junior high school, as measured by receiving long-term social welfare benefits in young adulthood. In addition, it explores the potential protective role of social support. Self-reported data from 13,633 (50.3 % female) junior high school students were linked to registry data on their use of social welfare benefits from the age of 18 and for eight consecutive years. Cox regression analyses were applied to test the relationship between exposure to life adversities and the use of social welfare benefits, and the potential moderating role of social support. The analyses showed that individuals exposed to abuse and bullying had an increased likelihood of receiving social-welfare benefits compared with individuals not exposed to these types of abuse. Exposure to multiple types of abuse led to a higher likelihood of using social welfare benefits compared with single types of abuse and no abuse. The findings on the potential moderating role of social support were mixed, depending on the source of social support. Family support and classmate relationships were protective in reducing the likelihood of the use of social welfare benefits, whereas peer and teachers’ support showed inconsistent patterns. These results are promising in terms of preventing the long-term negative consequences of abuse and bullying.  相似文献   
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This article explores how the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has pursued its ideology of Hindu nationalism through educational reforms. It pays most attention to the reforms undertaken by the first BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government, from 1998–2004. A key argument is that these reforms mirrored BJP’s ideology. The reforms were legitimized with reference to certain challenges facing contemporary Indian society, particularly the threats represented by value degradation and a weakening of indigenous traditions. I view such arguments in terms of sublimating all challenges to the cultural realm. Moreover, these reforms aimed to establish an education system based on a coherent, integrative framework, concurring with the ideological outlook of the BJP. In the final part of the article, I examine the current NDA regime and seek to explain why similar reforms do not appear to be high on Prime Minister Modi’s agenda. By doing so, the article sheds light on the question of Modi’s commitment to Hindu nationalist ideology. A major argument is that to Modi, Hindutva-inspired reforms of the education system collide with the promises made during his electoral campaign and with key elements of the political programs he has initiated so far.  相似文献   
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