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Visas and work permits: Possible global negotiating initiatives 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
We discuss global options for initiatives intended to ameliorate adverse impacts of visa and work permit systems used by national
governments around the world. We first describe and document some of their effects, noting the relative lack of other research
work on these issues. We then discuss proposals for a new and supplemental global visa structure which have been made as part
of the Mode 4 GATS negotiations in the WTO, suggesting that the GATS/WTO may be an imperfect institutional location for negotiating
on these matters. We then evaluate other approaches, including what realistically could be possible if a new body specifically
created for global negotiation in the area were to be used.
相似文献
John WhalleyEmail: |
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Tobias Jung Tim Scott Huw T. O. Davies Peter Bower Diane Whalley Rosalind McNally Russell Mannion 《Public administration review》2009,69(6):1087-1096
Organizational culture is widely considered to be one of the most significant factors in reforming and modernizing public administration and service delivery. This article documents the findings of a literature review of existing qualitative and quantitative instruments for the exploration of organizational culture. Seventy instruments are identified, of which 48 could be submitted to psychometric assessment. The majority of these are at a preliminary stage of development. The study's conclusion is that there is no ideal instrument for cultural exploration. The degree to which any measure is seen as "fit for purpose" depends on the particular reason for which it is to be used and the context within which it is to be applied. 相似文献
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Women's authorship has historically been underrepresented in criminal justice publications. The current study updates previous research by examining the authorship patterns of articles published in 8 criminological journals spanning 2007 to 2013. Women's representation increased from earlier rates but remained below that of their male contemporaries. This growth corresponded with general trends of increasing coauthorship, suggesting that the recent gains in women's representation do not indicate decreases in gender disparities. Men also were more likely to have sole-authored articles and be lead authors in papers coauthored by men and women. In addition, the vast majority of articles included at least 1 male author, and far fewer included a female giving men a larger visual presence. Gender representation also varied considerably between mainstream/traditional journals and 2 gender-specialized journals. 相似文献
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Sean Walsh Huifang Tian John Whalley Manmohan Agarwal 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2011,11(3):261-273
In this paper, we discuss a range of issues concerning developing country participation in current global climate change mitigation
negotiations, especially India and China. We argue that the problem of redefining ‘common yet differentiated responsibilities’
in a way which allows developing countries room to pursue their individual development goals while still achieving the necessary
level of carbon mitigation is central to the debate. The choice of negotiating instruments, effective technology transfer
and financial support, and other related issues have been raised principally by China and India, and may also be raised by
several other countries. Kyoto non-compliance by Annex 1 countries will also greatly impact the negotiating power of China
and India and other developing countries. We conclude that, once basic principles are clearly defined, the greatest incentive
for China and India to participate in climate change negotiations is the prospect of future negotiating rounds that can be
linked to a large number of climate change related issues, such as intellectual property, the potential for financial transfers
and trade/market access. 相似文献
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Elizabeth Whalley 《Contemporary Justice Review》2017,20(4):456-473
In this article we explore the intersections between white liberal feminisms and the carceral state, particularly within nonprofit agencies. We find a strong collusion between ‘dominating feminisms’ and the carceral state, through funding structures and the belief that the legal system can provide protection to victimized women. We use evidence from our own research on rape crisis centers and gender-responsive programming for criminalized women, respectively, to investigate how some nonprofit agencies further threaten the safety, stability, and self-determination of women of color, queer women, transgendered clients, economically disadvantaged women, and disabled women. As a result, when white liberal feminists seek to intervene in the criminal legal system, we often see reform efforts that directly strengthen institutions that perpetuate economic exploitation, colonialist notions of progress, and white supremacy. We conclude our article with an exploration of some guiding principles within noncarceral antiviolence organizations that espouse a liberatory feminist framework. 相似文献
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This paper examines the effects of the most recent U.S. housing bubble on the fiscal policy of California cities. We use an instrumental variables approach that helps isolate the fiscal consequences of house price appreciation by taking advantage of the influence of local topological constraints on the elasticity of house prices with respect to interest rates. Our analysis generates three main findings. First, despite Prop 13 fiscal constraints, rapid house price appreciation has a strong effect on property tax revenue. Second, the resulting increase in property tax revenue was largely offset by a reduction in other local tax revenue. This offsetting response leaves total city expenditure unrelated to local house prices. In that sense the housing bubble did not produce local fiscal bubbles. Third, we find that fiscal adjustments to house price appreciation depend on local political institutions. 相似文献
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We highlight the seeming emergence globally of a non–WTO; a patchwork quilt of regional and bilateral trade management arrangements
dealing with issues well beyond what the WTO covers and reflecting a wider and different set of concerns. In particular, we
discuss recent regional trade and economic partnership agreements of a group of large population, developing economies (BRICSAM:
Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa, ASEAN, and Mexico). Perhaps 50 out of 300 agreements that exist worldwide involve
BRICSAM countries; most are recently concluded and will be implemented over the next few years. They exist along with extensive
bilateral investment treaties, mutual recognition agreements, and other country to country (or region) arrangements. This
paper aims to document and characterize the agreements and analyze their possible impacts. Agreements differ in specificity,
coverage and content. In some treaties there are detailed and specific commitments, but these also co–exist with seemingly
vague commitments and (at times) opaque dispute settlement and enforcement mechanisms. No overarching bloc–wide strategies
seem to exist but whether these represent an emerging structure for newly negotiated reciprocity and trade management or instead
largely limited content diplomatic initiatives which co–exist alongside significant WTO (World Trade Organisation) disciplines
is the issue.
This paper has been written as part of the BRICSAM project underway at The Centre for International Governance Innovation,
Waterloo, Ontario, Canada. We are grateful to Andrew Cooper, Sylvia Ostry, Daniel Schwanen, Terry Sicular, Gilbert Winham,
Ron Wonnacott, and three anonymous reviewers for discussions and suggestions. 相似文献
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