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ABSTRACTLike many Republican presidential candidates before him, Donald J. Trump campaigned on a pro-business, anti-regulation platform, and since his election in November 2016, he has directed his administration to move forward with deregulation in many arenas, including consumer financial protections, environmental controls, and workplace safety among others. Past efforts to roll back regulations governing certain industries, such as the savings and loan and the mortgage industries, have had harmful consequences for the general public or for specific interest groups. In this study, we review what the Trump administration has accomplished with regard to deregulation to date. Then, based on past deregulatory fiascos, we theorize the harmful collateral consequences that may result from this most recent swing of the regulatory-deregulatory pendulum. 相似文献
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廓清物业服务范围及维修责任的边界对于减少合同纠纷具有重要意义。排污管道责任归属问题的背后是物业服务意识差,管理方法落后、物业服务合同部分内容不合法以及利益的驱动。建议细化地方性物业管理条例实施细则;规范、细化、宣传物业服务合同;加强物业制度建设;修改排污管道设计;房地产开发企业与物业管理分离,严格招投标制度选聘物业;加强物业监督。 相似文献
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Angela J. Thielo Francis T. Cullen Alexander L. Burton Melissa M. Moon Velmer S. Burton Jr 《Victims & Offenders》2019,14(3):267-282
ABSTRACTRecently, “problem-solving” courts have been developed as an alternative to imprisonment. They are often called “specialty” courts because they process and divert into treatment programs offenders who are seen as different from the general criminal population, such as those with mental health or drug problems, those who are homeless or veterans, and those who engage in domestic violence. Based on a 2017 national survey of 1,000 respondents, the current study examines overall public support for rehabilitation as a goal of corrections and then focuses specifically on support for different types of specialty courts. The analysis reveals that the American public endorses not only the rehabilitative ideal but also the use of problem-solving courts. Further, with only minimal variation, strong support for these courts appears to exist regardless of political orientation and sociodemographic characteristics. 相似文献
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张敬 《湖北警官学院学报》2022,35(1):121-128
机动侦查权是检察机关侦查权力不可或缺的一部分。从保留必要性来看,监察委员会的调查权和公安机关的侦查权均不能取代其法律监督的宪法地位。修订后的《刑事诉讼法》对检察机关机动侦查权的适用范围做出了限缩,机动侦查权在司法活动中运用的频率偏低。其原因是,检察机关机动侦查权在修订后的《刑事诉讼法》的相关规定要求下存在适用边界不明、启动程序繁琐、机关职权划分不明等问题。在明确《刑事诉讼法》对机动侦查权的功能定位是适时监督、寻求个案正义的前提下,通过划分机动侦查权适用的具体范围、简化机动侦查权的启动程序、确立检察机关启动机动侦查权的主导地位等路径对检察机关机动侦查权进行完善。 相似文献
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LORRAINE VAN BLERK JONATHAN MENDEL ANDREA RODRIGUEZ FERNANDO L. FERNANDES IRENE RIZZINI 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2019,38(3):284-299
Sport's transformative potential is known to support marginalised children, to deal with traumatic experiences and instil positive values; yet hosting mega sporting events (MSEs) can have negative impacts. Drawing on participatory research with favela‐based children during the 2014 World Cup in Brazil, this article argues that MSEs bring a macro‐securitisation of urban life, which causes considerable harm. This paper also suggests that the inclusion of children's voices in advocacy debates can challenge top‐down securitisation and might allow MSEs to foster further positive social transformation. Therefore, juxtaposed with causing harm, macro‐securitisations can open opportunities for children to take action and have their voices heard. 相似文献
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Anne L. Schneider 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2020,39(1):288-292
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