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1.
ABSTRACTLike many Republican presidential candidates before him, Donald J. Trump campaigned on a pro-business, anti-regulation platform, and since his election in November 2016, he has directed his administration to move forward with deregulation in many arenas, including consumer financial protections, environmental controls, and workplace safety among others. Past efforts to roll back regulations governing certain industries, such as the savings and loan and the mortgage industries, have had harmful consequences for the general public or for specific interest groups. In this study, we review what the Trump administration has accomplished with regard to deregulation to date. Then, based on past deregulatory fiascos, we theorize the harmful collateral consequences that may result from this most recent swing of the regulatory-deregulatory pendulum. 相似文献
2.
Annelieke C. van den Berg Sarah N. Giest Sandra M. Groeneveld Wessel Kraaij 《Public administration review》2020,80(6):989-1000
Governments are increasingly implementing smart and digital approaches to promoting citizen participation. However, whether online participation platforms are tools that improve inclusivity in citizen participation remains underexplored. To address this gap, this article focuses on the role of recruitment messages and their effect on participation in an online participation platform by gender and age. A field experiment with a neighborhood census sample (N = 6,066) shows that online participation dips for younger and older citizens and is equal among women and men. For the age groups between 60 and 75, differences in the control and intervention recruitment messages significantly impacted participation. These findings can help public managers tailor recruitment strategies to facilitate inclusive participation and represent a first step toward learning what types of messages are effective for whom. 相似文献
3.
Kenneth N. O. Ghartey 《Commonwealth Law Bulletin》2020,46(2):249-269
The scope of directors’ duties forms perhaps the most important part of corporate governance. This paper considers the trajectory of the regulation of directors’ duties under Ghanaian company law from the Companies Act, 1963 (Act 179) to the Companies Act, 2019 (Act 992). Using the 2017 to 2019 financial institutions’ insolvencies in Ghana as a backdrop, it considers whether the scope, formulation and structure of directors’ duties within the new legislation is capable of promoting corporately-beneficial director behaviour. It also discusses whether the framework is apt to deal with similar lapses in corporate governance marked by reckless and opportunistic director behaviour. It discovers that Act 992 places a greater reliance on specific rules while retaining the largely principles-based regulatory technique adopted for regulating director conduct under Act 179. The overall tenor of the framework of directors’ duties under the new Act points to a firmer legislative view of the serious consequences of reckless director conduct. The paper concludes that the language of the framework regulating director conduct is capable of promoting corporately beneficially director behaviour and is also apt to deal with the kind of lapses in corporate governance which led to mass financial sector insolvencies in Ghana. 相似文献
4.
Matthew C. Benwell Alejandro F. Gasel Andres Núñez 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2020,39(4):424-438
This paper draws on recent research examining feminist and everyday geopolitics to focus on the relatively neglected domestic sphere as a space where geopolitical events like the Falklands/Malvinas war are learnt, (re)produced, remembered and contested by young people. It presents qualitative data drawn from interviews with young people from Argentina (Río Gallegos) and the Falkland Islands (Stanley), locations with intimate connections to the 1982 war. It argues that research in domestic environments that engages the familial relations, objects and practices that embody geopolitical pasts can help make sense of how young people (are able to) express geopolitical agency. 相似文献
5.
Stephanie G. Neuman Author Vitae 《Orbis》2006,50(3):429-451
The global defense industrial sector is a remarkably accurate indicator of the distribution of power in the post-Cold War international system. However, the defense industrial sector as a policy tool has received relatively little scrutiny, even though it not only reflects the international order, but also provides the United States with the ability to influence the foreign policy behavior of other states. The defense industrial sector is a powerful, if undervalued, diplomatic tool in the United States’ political arsenal. 相似文献
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7.
Bjorn G. Hansen Mark Blainey 《Review of European Community & International Environmental Law》2006,15(3):270-280
The EU has regulated chemicals since the late 1960s using both general and sectoral legislation, and exposure-based, hazard-based and risk-based decisions. A new proposal from the European Commission – on the Registration, Evaluation and Authorization of Chemicals (REACH) – will build on the experiences of the existing legislation and introduce some new concepts in the management of chemicals. This article is aimed at assessing the current chemical control mechanisms in the EU and those put forward in REACH to demonstrate how REACH is a new paradigm in chemicals management. REACH will carry forward today's experience and approach to the management of chemicals in the EU and introduces some novel aspects, such as utilizing market-based mechanisms and putting into operation the 'substitution principle'. 相似文献
8.
G. Robert Blakey 《Trends in Organized Crime》2006,9(4):8-34
In 1970, the Congress enacted the Organized Crime Control Act. Title IX of the 1970 Act is the Racketeer Influence and Corrupt
Organization Act or RICO. This Act had its origins in legislation going back as far as 1934, but coming forward to 1961. The
1970 Act borrowed ideas from this earlier legislation, principally “enterprise,” but also the use predicate statutes to define
“racketeering activity.” The ideas are not new, but their combination affects how prosecutors and law enforcement agents investigate,
try, and sanction violations of the Act. RICO’s drafting also reflects organizational theory and economic analysis. The investigation
and prosecution of a single crime committed by an individual on a single day and in a single place maybe done using one set
of procedural and evidentiary rules. Nevertheless, the investigation and prosecution of patterns of diverse offenses committed
by, through, and against licit and illicit enterprises require sophisticated procedures, evidentiary rules, and criminal sanctions.
In addition, antisocial conduct is more than a challenge to the administration of criminal justice; it also requires the full
panoply of civil sanctions, including public injunctions as well private enforcement of injunctive relief and treble damages.
RICO has had a profound effect on the prosecution of organized crime, white-collar crime, and other forms of similar criminal
behavior.
William J. & Dorothy K. O’Neill Professor of Law, Notre Dame Law School; A.B. 1957, University of Notre Dame; J.D. 1960, Notre
Dame Law School. Professor Blakey was the Chief Counsel of the Subcommittee on Criminal Laws and Procedures of the United
States Senate Committee on the Judiciary in 1969-70 when the Organized Crime Control Act of 1970, Pub. L. No. 91-542, 84 Stat.
922 (1970) was processed, Title IX of which is the Racketeer Influence and Corrupt Organization Act or RICO. For a general
treatment of the statute from a variety of perceptive, see the collection of law review literature in G. Robert Blakey & Kevin
Roddy, “Reflections on Reves v. Ernst & Young: Its Meaning an Impact on Substantive, Accessory, Aiding, Abetting and Conspiracy
Liability under RICO,” 33 Amer. Crim. L. Rev. 1345, 1348 n. 3(1996). 相似文献
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