Campaign Targets and Messages in Direct Mail Fundraising

Political campaigns raise millions of dollars each election cycle. While past research provides valuable insight into who these donors are and why they are motivated to give, little research takes into account the actions of political campaigns. This paper examines why and how campaigns target habitual donors for political donations. Using the 2004 Campaign Communication Survey, a national survey of registered voters who were asked to collect and send in all campaign mail they received during the last 3 weeks of a campaign, we show that campaigns send donation solicitations predominantly to individuals who have previously donated to a campaign. We also show that campaigns match targeting fundraising appeals to the potential motivations for giving: campaigns target the type of fundraising appeal they use, whether ideological, solidary, or material, to match the socioeconomic and partisan characteristics of the potential donor. The implication of effective targeting is that the “unequal” voice of participation in campaign contributions is not one-sided and simply resource based, but rather that campaigns also contribute to the situation with targeted messages to potential donors.     

Principled Moderation: Understanding Parties’ Support of Moderate Candidates

Recent scholarship has argued that parties strategically support more moderate, and thus more electable, candidates. Using interviews with party elites and new data on the party support and the ideology of primary candidates for the US Senate, I show that parties do support moderate candidates. However, using evidence from districts with different levels of competitiveness and over time, I find that support of moderate candidates appears not to be strategic. Rather, party support of moderate candidates appears to be the result of the ideological preferences of party leadership rather a strategic effort to win elections.     

The Personality of the Politically Ambitious

Political Behavior - Until recently, political ambition has largely been considered to be a product of the institutional and political environment. We argue that individual personality plays a...     

It’s Who’s on the Inside that Counts: Campaign Practitioner Personality and Campaign Electoral Integrity

Political Behavior - Candidates for public office (and the individuals who run their campaigns) are not a randomly selected subset of the general population. Individuals with certain personality...     

The Party's Primary Preferences: Race,Gender, and Party Support of Congressional Primary Candidates

Party support has a strong influence on candidate success in the primary. What remains unexplored is whether party actions during the primary are biased along racial and gender lines. Using candidate demographic data at the congressional level and measures of party support for primary candidates, we test whether parties discriminate against women and minority candidates in congressional primaries and also whether parties are strategic in their support of minority candidates in certain primaries. Our findings show parties are not biased against minority candidates and also that white women candidates receive more support from the Democratic Party than do other types of candidates. Our findings also suggest that parties do not appear to strategically support minority candidates in districts with larger populations of minorities. Lastly, we also find no significant differences in the effects of party support on the likelihood of success in the primary by candidate race or gender.     

Veto Rhetoric and Legislative Riders

Riders to appropriations bills have long been a favorite congressional instrument for forcing presidents to accept unwanted policies. To resist unwanted riders, presidents have increasingly resorted to veto threats. Are such threats credible, and do they influence legislation? To answer these questions, we analyze the legislative histories of hundreds of threatened and unthreatened riders from 1985 through 2008. We find that threats are effective in bringing the final legislation closer to the president's preferences. Threats achieve their success, in large part, by interrupting the textbook legislative process in the Senate—spawning filibusters, prompting leaders to punt bills to conference, and encouraging the use of other “unorthodox” procedures. Unlike conventional models that regard veto threats as minimally effective, the findings presented here depict veto rhetoric as integral to identifying critical riders separating the legislative parties that must be resolved in order to avoid gridlock and pass annual appropriations legislation.     

Desperate Times Call for Desperate Measures: Electoral Competitiveness,Poll Position,and Campaign Negativity

Political Behavior - How does a candidate’s position in the polls affect the decision to go negative? The endogenous nature of campaign negativity and the relative position of a candidate in...     

Strength in numbers? A test of Kanter's theory of tokenism

Kanter's tokenism theory argues that once tokens reach a tipping point of 15 percent representation in the work place, they begin to experience fewer work place problems. This study tested this assertion using a survey of eighty-seven officers in a midwestern municipal police agency, where female officers constituted over 17 percent of the total sworn patrol officers. The three dimensions of tokenism were examined quantitatively to ascertain differences between male and female officers. On two of the dimensions, there were no differences between male and female officers, but the third dimension showed that female officers still perceived their work place differently from male officers. Only partial support of Kanter's theory was found. It was evident that even in this department, however, females still felt like they stood out and were underestimated by their peers. The findings also suggested that tokenism is more complex than a “numbers game,” and that quantitative examinations alone might not fully explain the myriad aspects of tokenism.