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1.
Through their power to sentence, trial judges exercise enormous authority in the criminal justice system. In 39 American states, these judges stand periodically for reelection. Do elections degrade their impartiality? We develop a dynamic theory of sentencing and electoral control. Judges discount the future value of retaining office relative to implementing preferred sentences. Voters are largely uninformed about judicial behavior, so even the outcome of a single publicized case can be decisive in their evaluations. Further, voters are more likely to perceive instances of underpunishment than overpunishment. Our theory predicts that elected judges will consequently become more punitive as standing for reelection approaches. Using sentencing data from 22,095 Pennsylvania criminal cases in the 1990s, we find strong evidence for this effect. Additional tests confirm the validity of our theory over alternatives. For the cases we examine, we attribute at least 1,818 to 2,705 years of incarceration to the electoral dynamic.  相似文献   
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In this theoretical intervention, I argue that Karl Marx’s theory of value remains a powerful way to understand nature–society relations under capitalism. I suggest environmentalist critiques often misunderstand Marx’s value theory as a theory that “values” workers over nature. His critical theory is better understood as an explanation of how capitalist value exploits both workers and the environment. My defense of Marxian value theory is articulated through five “theses.” I provide empirical illustration based on recent research into the nitrogen fertilizer industry. (1) Value theory does not refer to all values. (2) Marx’s contention that nature does not contribute to value helps us explain its degradation under capitalism. (3) Marx’s value theory rooted in production allows for a critique of environmental economic valuation schemes (e.g. payments for ecosystem services) which are based on neoclassical value theories rooted in consumption/exchange. (4) Value is abstract social labor, but that means it also abstracts from nature. (5) Capital does value certain parts of nature and that matters. I conclude by advocating a “value theory of nature” in the spirit of Diane Elson’s powerful articulation of Marx’s “value theory of labor.”  相似文献   
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The aim of the present study was to determine the chronology of third molar mineralization and to establish Austrian reference data. Therefore, a cross-sectional study was undertaken by evaluating 610 panoramic radiographs in order to assess the mineralization status of the mandibular third molars of Austrian male and female individuals (275 males and 335 females) between the ages of 12 and 24. The evaluation was carried out using the eight grade scheme of Demirjian et al. (1973). Mean ages, standard deviations, standard errors and percentile distributions are presented for each stage of development. Significant differences between the left and right mandibular third molars were not found. Males reach the developmental stages earlier than females, statistically significant differences were noted in stages E and F. Both mandibular third molars were observed in the majority of the individuals of the Austrian sample (477 individuals, 78.2%). For medicolegal purposes the likelihood of whether an Austrian individual is older than 18 years or not was determined.  相似文献   
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Previous research shows that partisans rate the economy more favorably when their party holds power. There are several explanations for this association, including use of different evaluative criteria, selective perception, selective exposure to information, correlations between economic experiences and partisanship, and partisan bias in survey responses. We use a panel survey around the November 2006 election to measure changes in economic expectations and behavioral intentions after an unanticipated shift in political power. Using this design, we can observe whether the association between partisanship and economic assessments holds when some leading mechanisms thought to bring it about are excluded. We find that there are large and statistically significant partisan differences in how economic assessments and behavioral intentions are revised immediately following the Democratic takeover of Congress. We conclude that this pattern of partisan response suggests partisan differences in perceptions of the economic competence of the parties, rather than alternative mechanisms.  相似文献   
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Für die Bezeichnung von wahlwerbenden Parteien finden sich bestimmte Regeln in § 44 NRWO. Diese Regeln hat eine Verwaltungsbehörde, die Wahlbehörde, anzuwenden. Gleichzeitig stellt § 43 ABGB ein allgemeines System des Namensschutzes zur Verfügung, das vor den ordentlichen Gerichten in Anspruch genommen werden kann. Die österreichische Rechtsordnung unterscheidet zwischen Wahlpartei, politischer Partei und im Nationalrat vertretener Partei. Aufgrund der verfas sungsmäßigen Trennung von Justiz und Verwaltung in allen Instanzen können Entscheidungen von Verwaltungsbehörden nicht in jenen Bereichen ergehen, in denen eine Zuständigkeit von Gerichten besteht, und umgekehrt. Für die Bezeichnung von wahlwerbenden Parteien bedeutet dies, dass die Frage der Namensver wendung am Stimmzettel von der Wahlbehörde zu lösen ist. Für durch eine rechtswidrige Verwendung einer Bezeichnung verursachte Schäden sind jedoch die ordentlichen Gerichte im Rahmen einer Schadenersatzklage zuständig.  相似文献   
8.
The aim of the present study was to compare the accuracy, precision, and bias of two macroscopic and one histological age at death estimation methods on human teeth. The sample was comprised of 67 permanent teeth, obtained from 37 individuals aged 20-91 years. Age was predicted according to the methods proposed by Lamendin et al. (LAM), Bang and Ramm (BR), and the quantification of tooth cementum annulations (TCA). TCA was found to be most accurate in all age groups. Its mean absolute error of the estimated age was about half as high as the mean absolute error for both LAM and BR. BR achieved approximately the same mean absolute error as TCA for old adults only. LAM displayed the highest precision in the young and the old age group whereas TCA was more precise in the middle age group. TCA was found to be the most precise method when the precision was calculated for all ages. Considering the bias, all methods displayed a tendency to overestimate age in young and to underestimate it in old specimens. The exception to this rule was TCA, which provided unbiased estimates for young adults. The higher accuracy and precision recommends favouring TCA over LAM and BR, provided that the required know-how and equipment are available.  相似文献   
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Contributions by investor-owned companies play major roles in financing the campaigns of candidates for elective office in the United States. We look at the presidential level and analyze contributions by companies before an election and their stock market performance following US presidential elections from 1992 to 2004. We find that companies experienced abnormal positive post-election returns with (i) a higher percentage of contributions given to the eventual winner and (ii) with a higher total contribution given. Hypothetical portfolios of the 30 largest corporate contributors formed according to (i) the percentage of contributions given to the winner in a presidential election and (ii) the total contribution (divided by market capitalization) would have earned significant abnormal returns in the two years after an election. While all results hold for Bill Clinton and George W. Bush, they are stronger by a magnitude of two to three under W. Bush.  相似文献   
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