变动型模糊限制语在使用上的性别差异应用研究——以《老友记》为例

性别差异是人类社会的一种自然现象,由于各自的生理结构、社会因素以及传统文化因素的影响导致女性语言与男性语言也有所区别。概括并分析了变动型模糊限制语在同组性别和不同性别的使用差异情况,同时也从社会文化因素讨论了导致差异的原因。其分析言语差异的目的在于能使人们更好地把握对语言的运用,从而促进跨性别交际的顺利进行。     

Food riots and the politics of provisions from early modern Europe and China to the food crisis of 2008

The food riots of 2007–2008 jolted authoritarian regimes and international agencies into action. The riots also began to crack neoliberal hegemony over the global food system. Food riots have often driven a politics of provisions, sometimes winning relief, sometimes merely bloody repression, depending on a particular country’s political economy. Such bargaining in the politics of provisions is made possible by existing networks – of solidarity among the common people and reciprocity between them and their rulers – that extend elements of ‘normal’ politics into crises. This paper explores how riotous extensions of such sociopolitical networks shaped food politics in early modern England and China, Famine Ireland, the ‘IMF (International Monetary Fund) austerity riots’ of the 1980s and 1990s, and the food riots of 2007–2008.     

论《与贸易有关的投资措施协定》的适用范围

本文从以下几方面来探讨《与贸易有关的投资措施协定》的适用范围 :投资措施的涵义 ,与贸易有关的投资措施的涵义 ,《与贸易有关的投资措施协定》的适用范围     

中美在东亚安全结构中的冲突——2006年美国《四年防务评估报告》的一种解读

2006年2月6日出台的美国《四年防务评估报告》,首次称中国是“最具有与美国进行军事竞争潜力”的新兴大国,并指责中国正常的国防建设,称中国对安全事务采取了“遮掩的态度”,“中国军力扩张的速度和范围已使区域军力面临失衡的危险。”五角大楼对中国的这种战略定位,折射出中美冲突的实质,即美国作为霸权护持国,采取一切有效手段防卫“挑战者”,从而引发的竞争、矛盾和斗争。由于中国和平发展的既定战略是明确的,在这一变量确定的情况下,未来中美冲突的发展模式将在很大程度上取决于美国对华政策的走向。     

The opposition Pakatan Rakyat in the twelfth Malaysian parliament, 2008–12, and parliamentary behaviour on the budget process

In the post-2008 Malaysian general election, the opposition political parties the Parti KeADILan Rakyat, the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party and the Democratic Action Party started to gain currency, especially when the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) government was denied its two-thirds of the majority in parliament. The 2008 result indicated that there was a substantial shift in support from the incumbent BN to the opposition parties. The opposition later on was formed into a coalition known as Pakatan Rakyat (PR). The minor victory of the PR in the 2008 election suggested that it had secured a considerable number of seats in the twelfth Malaysian parliament. This article argues that the 2008 electoral outcome exhibited substantial competitive parliamentary behaviour despite the authoritarian nature of Malaysia. The article examines PR behaviour in the twelfth parliament with reference to the budget process. Besides elections, the Malaysian parliament is a very crucial indicator of the development of democratic governance in Malaysia. This article argues that the opposition PR is still relevant in the way in which it has fully exercised its legal parliamentary capability, especially its de facto leader Anwar Ibrahim, in questioning and posing constraints on the ruling BN policies concerning the budget process.     

Casting Aside Clanking Medieval Chains: Prerogative,Statute and Article 50 after the EU Referendum

This article confronts the controversies surrounding Article 50 by analysing the relationship between statute and prerogative in the UK. The piece focuses on domestic constitutional issues and suggests a new way of classifying the relationship between statute and prerogative into two types falling under ‘the abeyance principle’ or ‘the frustration principle’. The abeyance principle means that where statute and prerogative overlap, the prerogative goes into abeyance. The frustration principle means that where statute and prerogative give rise to potential inconsistencies, but do not overlap, the prerogative cannot be used inconsistently with the intention of parliament as expressed in the relevant legislation. It then argues that Article 50 has the status of primary or ‘primary‐equivalent’ legislation which could justify applying the abeyance principle. This would mean that the trigger power would be exercised on statutory authority rather than through prerogative powers. If the courts are unable thus to construe the relevant legislation it argues EU law requires the courts to bridge the gap. Alternatively, if the abeyance principle is not applicable, it argues the frustration principle could apply but the circumstances in this litigation fall outside it. In the further alternative, EU law could require the frustration principle itself to be set aside in this case.     

The dynamics of candidate evaluations and vote choice in 2008: looking to the past or future?

In this paper, we leverage a 10-wave election panel to examine the relative and dynamic effects of voter evaluations of Bush, Palin, Biden, McCain, and Obama in the 2008 presidential election. We show that the effects of these political figures on vote choice evolves through the campaign, with the predictive effects of President Bush declining after the nominees are known, and the effects of the candidates (and Palin), increasing towards Election Day. In evaluating the relative effects of these political figures on individual-level changes in vote choice during the fall campaign, we also find that evaluations of the candidates and Sarah Palin dwarf that of President Bush. Our results suggest a Bayesian model of voter decision making in which retrospective evaluations of the previous administration might provide a starting point for assessing the candidates, but prospective evaluations based on information learned during the campaign helps voters to update their candidate preference. Finally, we estimate the “Palin effect,” based on individual-level changes in favorability towards the vice-presidential nominee, and conclude that her campaign performance cost McCain just under 2% of the final vote share.     

Public opinion, party messages, and responsibility for the financial crisis in Britain

The political consequences of the crisis in world financial markets are only beginning to be understood. In this article, we take up one of these many repercussions by examining public beliefs of who’s to blame for a complex and unparalleled set of events. Analyses of survey data from Britain find that while most assign responsibility for the crisis to market actors, the likelihood of blaming governments, as opposed to blaming banks and investors, is greater among low sophisticates and Conservative Party identifiers. We further show how elite messages from competing political elites evolved over-time and were reflected in mass beliefs about the crisis. Results highlight the centrality of partisan cues and, in particular, of political sophistication in understanding the dynamics of responsibility attributions. Lastly, we estimate the consequences of blaming the government for the crisis for voter choice.     

《德意志意识形态》中马克思市民社会概念探析

马克思主义引领着我国社会思潮的发展,完整、全面地理解马克思市民社会理论对于我国市民社会研究与建设具有积极的意义。面对马克思市民社会理论研究中存在的争议,就需要在研究中在更深的层次上不断回到起点,重温经典,对马克思市民社会理论作更基础的研究。《德意志意识形态》作为马克思第一次系统阐释市民社会理论著作,同时在马克思市民社会理论发展过程中具有承上启下的作用,通过对著作中市民社会概念作进一步的梳理,能够清楚地展现马克思的市民社会概念的逻辑演进历程,廓清马克思市民社会概念的理论内涵,同时界定市民社会概念在马克思主义唯物史观创立过程中的特殊地位。     

国际金融危机对日本经济的主要影响因素分析——基于MIMIC模型的硏究

2008年由美国次贷危机引发的"金融海啸"席卷全球,日本经济也受到了强烈的冲击。日本MIMIC模型的建立发现了影响日本"危机强度"的国内信贷/GDP和政府债务/GDP两个国内主要影响因素,对各种传染渠道进行检验后发现了这次引起日本金融危机的主要是贸易传染渠道,对上述国内外主要影响因素进行分析,日本政府为刺激经济的一系列扩张性政策,在金融市场中并没有转化为有效的投资和需求反而大大增加了政府债务。