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苗苗 《法学家》2012,(3):147-161,180
2011年夏发生的英国骚乱具有深刻的社会政治经济、文化与种族背景,是各种反权威、反社会的合力的总体现。其直接导火索是少数族裔与执法部门之间因种族问题而导致的冲突,其后续发展反映了社会政治经济地位被"相对剥夺"了的下层民众与社会权威机构之间的矛盾。同时,骚乱活动又具有相当程度的盲目性、松散性与自发性。为了修补破碎的英国社会,单纯靠监狱、刑罚、警察与军队的暴力解决不了根本问题,因为刑罚的威慑力应该并且实际上是有限的。以这场骚乱为启示,缓解社会矛盾和维护社会稳定,一方面要解决社会贫富不均与不同利益群体之间的矛盾等深层问题,另一方面需要培养社会公众的、守法的、内在的道德抑制机制,提高法律和执政当局的权威和正当性。  相似文献   
2.
This paper explores the causes for China's change of policy from silence to making public demands that Indonesia do more to protect its ethnic Chinese population in the wake of the riots in Jakarta and other parts of Indonesia in May 1998. First, China saw it in its own interest to minimize potential damages to its state-to-state ties with Indonesia, allowing as little room as possible for Taiwan to exploit in the long-lasting China-Taiwan diplomatic rivalry. Second, Indonesia, in spite of its domestic problems, remains a country of significance to China in regional issues like the South China Sea disputes. Third, China needed to retain its reputation as a responsible actor in the process of regional economic crisis. Finally, the loyalty of the Indonesian Chinese to China continues to be a question and China could further weaken that loyalty if it contributed to the worsening of their predicament. In short, China may have wished to maximize its possible gains and minimize the potential risks through its action over the May riots.  相似文献   
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The confrontations between anti-World Trade Organisation (WTO) protestors and Hong Kong police proved that their earlier encounters brought about uncompromising attitudes and escalating activities on both sides. As a result, riots on the penultimate day of the WTO meeting were inevitable. Applying David Waddington's flashpoint model, this article shows that other factors at the structural, political/ideological, cultural, contextual and situational levels were at play, creating an environment conducive to violence. Waddington's model provides a useful framework for us to comprehend the interactional dynamics of the anti-WTO protests in Hong Kong. However, it has neglected the possibility of an interactive bond between protestors and the public. The contextual uniqueness of forging a dynamic relationship between protestors and the public can enrich Waddington's analytical framework.  相似文献   
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《中东研究》2012,48(6):1005-1019
Abstract

One outcome of the Jewish–Arab conflict at the time of the British Mandate was the Arab refugee problem. It usually accompanied any escalation in hostilities and was evident at foci of the friction between Arabs and Jews. Reprisals by the authorities against the Arab population was an additional cause. At the time of the Arab Revolt the refugee issue assumed for the first time significant proportions as a result of destructive actions by the British army, the greatest being the home demolition operations unleashed in Jaffa. As a result many families became refugees inside and outside their city. For the first time in the Mandate period the British government was obliged to contend with the problem of Arab refugees that it itself had created, and resolve it. The article aims to shed light on a unique operation by the Mandatory government intended to establish a locality to house Arab refugees, which was implemented and completed in the Mandate period. The article shows that for the authorities the establishment of a quarter for refugees was the required and most appropriate solution to the problem that had arisen.  相似文献   
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