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1.
To date, the field of non‐market strategy has little to offer in the way of an integrated perspective on the simultaneous management of strategic issues and corporate stakeholders. This paper employs social network analysis to make a number of theoretically grounded conjectures about the delicate relationships between stakeholder behaviour and issue evolution. It is found that social network analysis has the potential to enrich and integrate theoretical perspectives in the field of non‐market strategy, offering solutions to a set of previously unresolved puzzles. Copyright © 2004 Henry Stewart Publications  相似文献   
2.
Scholars and practitioners have repeatedly questioned the democraticness and the authority of transnational multi‐stakeholder organizations, especially those that regulate the internet. To contribute to this discussion, we studied the “democratic anchorages” and the regulatory authority of 23 internet regulators. In particular, we conducted a fuzzy‐set qualitative comparative analysis assessing whether and which anchorages correspond to necessary and/or sufficient conditions for exerting regulatory authority. Our results show that strong anchorage in democratic procedures is specifically relevant for this outcome. Further, we find that weak anchorage in democratically elected politicians leads to high regulatory authority, confirming the significance of non‐state actors in this policy field. More generally, our findings support but also qualify expectations about the compatibility and mutual reinforcement of democratic quality and regulatory authority at the transnational level.  相似文献   
3.
The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development promotes multi‐stakeholder partnerships (MSPs) as a means of implementation while at the same time putting renewed focus on the need for national‐level ownership and implementation. Despite the fact that an ever growing body of literature on the merits and drawbacks of MSPs delineates several success conditions for partnerships, efforts to translate this knowledge into national‐level meta‐governance for MSPs remain marginal to date. This study outlines the benefits the literature alleges for such “meta‐governance” frameworks, before it uses a country‐level study with a series of stakeholder interviews to take a closer look at national‐level context conditions and lessons learned with regard to two water partnerships in Kenya. Our findings suggest that to date the existing meta‐governance for partnerships in Kenya is rather weak and fragmented. Yet respondents support the view that MSPs could benefit from such a framework, in particular regarding local ownership of MSPs and the potential to scale successful cases. Copyright © 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   
4.
A massive open online course (MOOC) entitled “Shaping the Future of Work” (offered through MITx, the Massachusetts Institute of Technology's online learning division) has been the context for a multiparty simulation designed to produce classroom negotiation results that will have social impacts. After running the course in the MOOC context three times and in face‐to‐face settings eight times, we noticed that key themes emerged. Participants have brought their own workforce perspectives to their simulation roles as employers, worker representatives, elected officials, and educators. They have called for reciprocal agreements centered on fair treatment and representation in the workplace, improved organizational performance, investments in skills and capabilities, aligned rewards and benefits for workers, and work–life balance in communities. We continue to use the simulation in the classroom and are exploring ways to expand its use. In the meantime, in this article, we discuss how the insights gleaned from this simulation could be used to crystallize and advance a new social contract at a time when the public policies, institutions, and organizational practices governing employment relations have not kept up with the dramatic changes taking place in the workforce, nature of work, and overall economy.  相似文献   
5.
桂静 《当代韩国》2014,(2):51-63
随着全球气候变暖,北极的各种利益优势正在显现,而且超越区域范畴而成为全球的问题,因此对于非北极国家也具有重要意义。韩国出于国内和国际两方面的长远考虑,综合采取法律、政治、经济、行政、科学、科技等多种手段,拓展其北极利益。中国同样在北极有着重要战略利益。当前,及时跟踪北极相关国家政策动态并加以分析,对中国北极战略利益的实现不无裨益。  相似文献   
6.
The recent establishment of fourth-tier system as a distinct, but coordinating level of government in Imo State came with the expectation that it would facilitate community development. However, the underdevelopment situation of most communities dashed this expectation. Thus, this recent study adopted theory of postcolonial state as our analytical framework to interrogate the development utility of the fourth-tier system using mixed research methods for evidence gathering and analysis. The analysis revealed that the system grossly underperformed its development functions resulting from lack of stakeholders’ supports, which should be the basis for determination and implementation of fourth-tier system in Imo State.  相似文献   
7.
利益相关者理论对企业劳动关系调整的探讨   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
随着全球经济一体化后,我国企业的管理理念也应随之变化。根据我国企业劳动关系的特点,树立利益相关者理论的企业管理理念,是建立和谐劳动关系、促进社会和谐和经济发展的重要问题。  相似文献   
8.
本文以上证180指数上市公司为样本,以企业对国家、员工、投资者和公益事业的社会责任贡献作为企业社会责任的评价指标,采用统计性描述和混合截面回归分析的实证研究方法来探究社会责任与企业绩效之间的关系.研究发现:我国上市公司对国家、投资者和公益事业的社会责任贡献与企业绩效正相关,而对员工的社会责任贡献与企业绩效则是负相关的关系.因此,要求企业更加重视对国家贡献的社会责任,完善社会保障机制和企业内部激励机制,推进股权分置和金融体制改革,并完善对企业履行公益事业贡献的激励机制.  相似文献   
9.
The failure to eliminate bovine TB from the English and Welsh cattle herd represents a long-term intractable policy failure. Cattle-to-cattle transmission of the disease has been underemphasised in the debate compared with transmission from badgers despite a contested evidence base. Archival evidence shows that mythical constructions of the badger have shaped the policy debate. Relevant evidence was incomplete and contested; alternative framings of the policy problem were polarised and difficult to reconcile; and this rendered normal techniques of stakeholder management through co-option and mediation of little assistance.  相似文献   
10.
In this article I criticize, first, democratic inclusion principles that are indeterminate with regard to democratic boundaries and indifferent towards the structural features of polities. I suggest that a democratic stakeholder principle passes these critical tests and can be applied to democratic polities of different kinds. Second, I compare birthright-based and residence-based membership regimes at state and local levels and consider how they can accommodate international migrants. Third, I argue that these two regimes are not freestanding alternatives between which democratic polities have to choose, but are combined in a multilevel architecture of democratic citizenship, in which the inclusion and exclusion dynamics of birthright and residence mutually constrain each other and every individual is included as a citizen in both types of polities.  相似文献   
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