Becoming widowed

This article discusses the characteristics of widowhood in early 19th-century Austria, focusing on the sources of economic support. Higher proportions of the widowed population were found in inmate than in tenant households, and more women than men were widowed. Widows were more likely to live on their own than adults in general were, indicating that many widows could support their households from their own resources. For 40% of the widows, however, familial support was available in the form of a coresident extended household. Tenant households with greater resources at their disposal were better able to offer this form of support than inmate households. Less than 1% of tenant widows lived alone. Longitudinal data were analyzed to determine the relative frequency with which tenant and inmate widows succeeded their late husbands as household heads, remarried, or retired to become the mothers or mothers-in-law of the new household heads.     

Portfolio Allocation within Parties: The Role of Regional Party Branches

One of the most persistent findings in coalition research is the proportionality rule (‘Gamson's Law’) that guides the allocation of portfolios between parties. This article tests the assumption that a similar rule is at work within parties. More specifically, it examines the allocation of ministerial posts to regional party branches in 25 post-war cabinets in Austria between 1945 and 2008. Drawing on the literature on party organisations, three types of resources (membership, vote and population shares) are identified, all of which account for a substantial part of the variation in the shares of cabinet seats awarded to each party branch. The analysis thus bears out the proportionality proposition to a significant degree. Furthermore, it is shown that there is considerable cross-party variation in the allocation patterns, which reflects differences in the organisational structure of the parties.     

The innovative performance of foreign-owned enterprises in small open economies

This paper compares the innovative performance of foreign-owned and domestically owned enterprises in five European countries. We look at innovation inputs, outputs, and examine how strong foreign-owned enterprises are embedded in the innovations systems of their host countries. We find that foreign ownership is associated with similar levels of innovation input, but higher levels of innovation output and higher labour productivity compared to domestic ownership. In four of the five countries, affiliates of foreign multinationals show a similar or even a higher propensity to co-operate with domestic partners than domestically owned enterprises.

Navigating the Representative-Politics–Liberal-Rights Dilemma: Social Policy Designs for Nonremoved Migrants

Abstract

Although nonremoved rejected asylum seekers (NRASes) are declared unwanted, the liberal state is obliged to provide them with basic social protections. We argue that various social policy designs can mediate the representative-politics–liberal-rights dilemma and allow for (limited) access to differentiated, conditioned benefits. Drawing on migration control and welfare-state literature, the findings stem from expert interviews with stakeholders and document analysis in Austria, Sweden, and the Netherlands. Welfare-enabling approaches are context specific, varying from path dependencies in Sweden to change-resistant forms of policymaking in Austria. In the Netherlands, exclusionary measures are explained by early general welfare retrenchments.     

Immigration and integration policy and the Austrian radical right in office: the FPÖ/BZÖ, 2000–2006

This article focuses on the radical right's influence on immigration and migrant integration policy by scrutinising the 6-year period in national government of the Austrian Freedom Party and Alliance for Austria's Future. Specifically, it investigates the radical right's influence on migration control, migrant integration, citizenship and asylum policy. While previous studies have often credited the Austrian radical right with policy influence, it is argued that such work ignores both the problematic adjustment of the radical right to public office and the insights of immigration policy theory. By integrating these criticisms into the analysis, it is argued that although immigration policy was restrictive, the policies pursued did not deviate too greatly from past and subsequent government policy nor with the policies being implemented elsewhere in Europe. Furthermore, the radical right's influence on immigration policy was limited by the role of intra-coalition dynamics and the moderating effect of the policy process.     

Duale oder schulische Berufsausbildung? Entwicklungen und Weichenstellungen in Deutschland, Österreich und der Schweiz

In der vergleichenden politischen Ökonomie hat das Thema Ausbildung vor allem seit der “Varieties of Capitalism”‐Forschung an Popularität gewonnen. Deutschland, Österreich und die Schweiz gelten dabei als Länder, die ihre Arbeitskräfte im Rahmen einer korporatistisch gesteuerten dualen Ausbildung beruflich bilden. Unser Beitrag zeigt jedoch, dass sich die relativen Teilnehmerzahlen verschiedener Bildungsgänge im Sekundarbereich II seit Mitte der 1970er Jahre unterschiedlich entwickelt haben. In Österreich hat sich über die Zeit die staatlich gesteuerte vollzeitschulische Berufsausbildung neben der dualen Ausbildung etabliert. In Deutschland und in der Schweiz ist das duale Ausbildungssystem nach wie vor dominierend. Als ausschlaggebend für die Expansion der vollzeitschulischen Ausbildung in Österreich identifizieren wir drei zentrale Punkte: erstens die Dominanz der österreichischen Sozialdemokratie und deren informelle Zusammenarbeit mit den Christdemokraten, zweitens die Steuerung des österreichischen Bildungswesens durch den Zentralstaat und drittens die breite Unterstützung der Berufsbildungsreformen durch Arbeitgeber und Gewerkschaften. Bedeutende Weichenstellungen erfolgten in den 1970er Jahren.     

Explaining Reforms of Parliamentary Minority Rights: A Theoretical Framework with Case Study Application

How can we explain institutional reforms that redistribute institutional power between the parliamentary majority and minority? This paper proposes an informal theoretical model to explain such reforms in European parliaments based on congressional literature and inductive explanations from case studies. The article argues that political parties as the relevant actors pursue institutional reforms based on their substantive goals, their current and expected future government status, transaction and audience costs of reforms, second-order institutions that regulate the relative influence of actors in changing parliamentary rules, and the institutional status quo. Hypotheses derived from this model are tested with a qualitative case study of all standing order reforms in the Austrian parliament from 1945 to 2014. The empirical analysis finds support for various hypotheses and their underlying causal mechanisms. As Austria constitutes a least-likely case, the evidence provides strong support for the theoretical model.     

Voter perceptions of coalition policy positions in multiparty systems

A growing body of research shows how voters consider coalition formation and policy compromises at the post-electoral stage when making vote choices. Yet, we know surprisingly little about how voters perceive policy positions of coalition governments. Using new survey data from the Austrian National Election Study (AUTNES), we study voter perceptions of coalition policy platforms. We find that voters do in general have reasonable expectations of the coalitions' policy positions. However, partisan beliefs and uncertainty affect how voters perceive coalition positions: in addition to projection biases similar to those for individual party placements, partisans of coalition parties tend to align the position of the coalition with their own party's policy position, especially for those coalitions they prefer the most. In contrast, there is no consistent effect of political knowledge on the voters' uncertainty when evaluating coalition policy positions.     

Domestic Institutions and regional representation in the European Union: the case of Austria

Multi-level governance in the European Union is a well-established model in the EU literature. An area of ongoing focus within that literature has been the regional representation offices that have proliferated in Brussels. This article addresses the research question of how domestic institutional arrangements affect the strategies of regions seeking representation at the European level. Based on the results of original interviews with directors and deputy-directors of Austrian regional representation offices in Brussels to illustrate the approach these offices take when interacting with other European institutions and with Austrian federal representatives, this study builds on the regional representation literature that has stressed the pre-eminence of state institutional structures in understanding the role of regional representation offices and argues that the importance of the offices is best examined through a focus on state level institutions and power arrangements rather than on office impact at the European level.     

The 2016 Austrian Presidential Election: A Tale of Three Divides

The 2016 Austrian presidential election was remarkably different than the previous ones in the history of the country characterized by its stable political system. Not only did it open the role of president in Austria to debate, but it also sidelined the two political parties that had dominated Austrian politics since World War II. Alexander Van der Bellen won the election with one of the closest margins in recent history. This article argues that the election divided the country in more than one way. Besides the near 50–50 divide between the candidates, the results show that it generated important dynamics in territorial politics as well, notably in the states and cities of Austria. These results point towards a party system transformation in Austrian politics.