宗教民族主义与文化解殖——近代菲律宾反教会运动浅析

反教会运动是近代菲律宾民族主义运动的重要组成部分.近代菲律宾宗教民族主义诉求的目标是推翻西班牙教会的专制统治,争取菲律宾民族的宗教自由与平等权力.菲律宾反教会运动不仅推翻了西班牙天主教会,而且确立了"政教分离"的原则,并建立了具有民族特色的菲律宾独立教会,对推动天主教在菲律宾的本土化、多元化以及文化解殖具有重要意义.     

‘A Pioneer in the Struggle for Social Justice’: Manuel Larraín and Transnational Catholic Activism in Latin America in the 1950s and 1960s

This article explores the development of inter-American Catholicism during the 1950s and 1960s. It analyses the role of the Chilean Catholic bishop Manuel Larraín (1900–1966) in his efforts to disseminate his diagnosis of underdevelopment in Latin America and to establish links with the Catholic world in the United States. Based on a review of his writings, the American press and documentation from Catholic organisations, it is suggested that the Chilean bishop advocated the implementation of social reforms and American collaboration to prevent the advance of communism and strengthen Catholicism on the continent.     

论奥古斯丁《上帝之城》的教会历史观念

《上帝之城》第十五和十六卷围绕"复活之子"的观念,论述了"希望求告上帝的名"与教会论之间的关系,阐释了教会作为地上之城的羁旅的含义。本文指出奥古斯丁历史哲学视野下教会的福音性本质,即教会是流动着的爱的会幕。奥古斯丁又把这种福音性的爱进一步表达为公民的责任,告诫教会不仅要警惕他自身与世俗的权柄之间的关系,而且要警惕以在天的权柄即在上帝之名下拥有权柄介入世俗共同体的界限。奥古斯丁以他对教会的福音性理解诠释了"为我们的上帝"的历史性。     

Between Christian and multicultural democracy: religious legacies and minority politics

The article presents a comparative analysis of the religious underpinnings of 19 liberal democracies in the West and their relevance for contemporary minority politics. The democratic relevance of religion is conceptualised as stemming from actors (churches, religious parties) and from historical and structural factors such as confessional patterns, relationships between state and church and degrees of secularisation in 19 democracies with a Christian background. The article’s historical mapping demonstrates that democratic development has occurred in distinct patterns rooted in the Catholic?Protestant divide. It then demonstrates that there are distinct effects of this divide on minority politics. It is hypothesised that in line with the confessional patterning of democratisation, Catholic countries and actors seem to be more resistant to the pressures arising from religious pluralisation than Protestant ones and that, even after 9/11, there is no cross-national or cross-confessional convergence in these responses.     

试论当代菲律宾天主教社会行动之肇始

现代天主教社会学说之创立与发展是天主教应对工业革命以来全球政治经济与社会发生深刻变化的重要表现,教会积极的“人世”姿态与实践反映了教会回应现代社会发展及其挑战的世俗化特征与趋势。当代菲律宾天主教会的社会行动,既是现代天主教社会理论推动的结果,更是菲律宾教会面对20世纪初期菲律宾政治经济与社会变迁挑战的自觉回应,它反映了现代菲律宾教会关注民族国家社会现实的本土化与世俗主义趋势,同时也体现了宗教在现代社会参与解决政治经济与社会问题,探索社会发展途径的实践与范式。     

Tuvalu and You: The Monarch,the United Kingdom and the Realms

The government plans to amend the royal succession rules by making primogeniture gender blind and ending marriage to a Roman Catholic spouse as a disqualification for succession. Achieving these goals means that the UK is dependent on the agreement of the fifteen Commonwealth countries—the ‘realms’—that also have the Queen as head of state. The article questions whether these proposals go far enough when leaving intact other religious discriminatory rules hostile to Catholics and all others who cannot be in communion with the Church of England. It is maintained that a political disinclination to address and, as necessary, challenge the real as opposed to the formal position of the Church of England vitiates the government's approach. Moreover, it is asked whether the policy process itself should not become more open and democratic both within the UK and between the realms.     

Reforming sacred institutions: the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Roman Catholic Church compared

The Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Roman Catholic Church (RCC) are both conceptualized as sacred institutions, with many features of ideology/theology, hierocratic structure, and policy process in common. After periods of exclusion, they both also faced strong pressures to adapt to changes in the modern world, both internal and external, and to reduce status differentiation within the hierarchy and between the clergy/apparatchiki hierarchy and the laity/population. The present article compares and contrasts de-Stalinization under Khrushchev (1956–1964) with the results of Vatican II (1959–1965), and Gorbachev’s reforms (1985–1991) with the efforts of Pope Francis to reform the RCC (2013–present). The comparisons validate the explanatory power of the noted similarities between these sacred institutions, while also highlighting significant differences in structure, mission, and process, which explain why Pope Francis has adopted an incremental strategy for reform of the RCC, in contrast to Gorbachev’s revolutionary strategy for reforming the CPSU.     

无处不在的身影——东正教介入俄罗斯社会政治生活试析

东正教在俄国远不只是一种宗教,而是俄罗斯文化传承的重要载体,在后苏联成为俄联邦重构的重要社会资源、政治力量和精神动力,被视为是标示俄罗斯民族精神的最重要标志。在后苏联到来过程和重建过程中,东正教扮演了极其重要的角色,而且这种角色源于俄国的历史进程。其实,无论是就基督教神学理论还是就俄国史而言,缺少了对东正教因素的考虑,就无法描述俄国社会进程。近20年来,俄国社会进程和东正教紧密相关,因此,当代俄国人能基于东正教信仰,去批判性地面对后苏联社会变革所带来的各种重大问题。除此之外,东正教还积极介入俄罗斯的对外事务,成为影响俄对外关系的一个不可忽视的重要因素。     

Orthodox Identity as Traditionalism: Construction of Political Meaning in the Current Public Discourse of the Russian Orthodox Church

This article reviews the articulation of traditional political values in the contemporary discourse of the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC). As an empirical basis, the article takes the ROC’s official documents reflecting its position on social and political issues, the statements of various Synodal departments and Church hierarchs, as well as the statements of those representatives of the Orthodox intelligentsia, who promote an alternative agenda for Church-state dialogue. The author analyses the discursive forms deployed for the use of two key concepts, related to two markers of traditionalist worldview (opinions about liberalism, and positions taken with regard to the rights of sexual minorities), and studies the context in which these confessional ethical norms are politicized. This allows the author to move from interpreting Orthodox identity as merely a confessional/religious affiliation, expressing itself in a range of practices (attending services, etc), to an interpretation of Orthodox identity as traditionalist in the political sense of that word, involving the formation of a distinctive political theology and the politicization of confessional ideas of morality.     

Paradigm Muddle or Paradigm Paralysis? The Wide and Narrow Roads to Restorative Justice Reform (or,a Little Confusion May Be a Good Thing)

McCold (2004 McCold, P. (2004). Paradigm muddle: The threat to restorative justice posed by the merger with community justice. Contemporary Justice Review, 7: 13–35. [Taylor &; Francis Online] , [Google Scholar], this issue) argues that community justice and balanced and restorative justice (BARJ) models confuse people and distort the restorative justice movement. We argue that there are many sources of confusion and explain the differences between these approaches. Neither model poses any threat to restorative justice, and both community justice and BARJ can garner new support for restorative justice. We respond to misleading portrayals in McCold’s account of these movements (and of our writings about them) and suggest that more time should be spent on truly critical debates within the restorative justice movement, and in confronting real barriers to restorative justice reforms.