Teaching Students about the Vietnam War: The Case for Balance

This work examines how the American role in the Vietnam War has been portrayed in standard college- and university-level textbooks dealing with American foreign policy. It argues that this topic has been presented in a manner that leaves an incomplete understanding. This conclusion is based on scholarship that has been available for decades as well as much Cold War historiography that has appeared since 1975. I conclude that the distortions need to be addressed for several reasons. Their propagation produces bad scholarship, gratuitously alienates Americans from their institutions of government, and justifies anti-Americanism and authoritarianism elsewhere.     

浅论江泽民同志关于人的全面发展的重要思想

人的全面发展 ,是马克思、恩格斯一生始终关注的一个重要问题 ,是马克思主义的最高人格理想和价值目标。马克思主义认为人的全面发展是人自身发展的最高境界 ,是人的内在发展与外在发展的统一 ,是生产力与生产关系发展相统一的历史过程。新时期人的全面发展的思想是江泽民同志对马克思主义人的全面发展学说的继承与发展的统一。     

Romania and the Third World during the heyday of the détente

Abstract

All Warsaw Pact countries developed intense relations with Third World countries during the 1970s, following in Moscow’s footsteps, allegedly supporting the struggle against Western imperialism while making profitable arms deals. One Warsaw Pact country, though, saw things differently: it was both American and Soviet imperialism that had to be fought off. This paper reassesses the origins and nature of Romania’s Third World policy in the context of the Soviet–American détente of 1972. Détente was perceived in Bucharest as a risk to the country’s independent foreign policy and a consolidation of the existing bipolarity which is why Romania tried to mobilise small and medium states of the Third World in a fight against hegemony and underdevelopment. Although they adhered to the developmental debates and tried to join the Group of 77, the Romanians viewed underdevelopment not necessarily in structural terms but rather as a product of political obstructions exerted by the superpowers. Refusing the take the Soviet side in the Third World, Romania tried to convince Third World leaders that unity and cooperation among the ‘unprivileged’ were a shield against foreign interference and a guarantee of development.     

共产主义道德在社会主义道德体系构建中的历史境遇

改革开放以来,我们党在社会主义道德体系构建过程中,改变了过去共产主义道德宣传教育中“一刀切”的做法,在注重人民群众道德的层次性和多样性的基础上,一方面将共产主义道德的核心内容继承下来,另一方面也将原来被无限拔高的、本属于基本公民道德规范的内容进行了必要的发扬和细化,使之更具时代性。我们在将共产主义道德中的部分内容（如“毫不利己,专门利人”、“大公无私”）作为人类道德最高形态看待的同时,也应注重将其其中的主体内容视为中国革命道德,并将其作为民族精神加以宣传和弘扬。     

That Enlightenment Question Again

Sandall’s complaint that the Enlightenment is in danger is not new as it repeats a long standing complaint about “the betrayal of the intellectuals”. But the danger today is not from either the Muslim world or from the marginalized academics who pursue an anti-liberal multicultural agenda that belittles the Western liberal tradition. In the United States the menace comes from the much more powerful far right that has abandoned America’s Enlightenment tradition. It is time for academics to start teaching students what that tradition is all about, and why it needs to be defended, but spreading fear about weak and divided Muslim societies is not the way.

从异化劳动的扬弃到生产、交往的普遍发展——论共产主义实现的基础

在马克思主义的经典著作之中,共产主义思想是一个重要的组成部分。《1844年经济学哲学手稿》与《德意志意识形态》分别以异化劳动理论和唯物史观为基础,对共产主义理论进行阐述和论证。马克思与恩格斯对于共产主义的认识,在《政治经济学批判大纲》中已有论及,之后又经历了从对异化劳动的扬弃到生产、交往的普遍发展这样一个动态转变的过程。这样的转变使二人确立了唯物史观,转为科学共产主义者,也深化了人们对于共产主义的认识。     

《共产党宣言》改变了中国的命运——《（共产党宣言）汉译纪念版》序言

1920年8月我国第一个中译本《共产党宣言》在上海出版,它的传播,为1921年7月中国共产党的创建奠定了政治思想理论基础。至新中国成立,《宣言》共出版了七个中译本。《宣言》的广泛传播,对中国革命的胜利和中国共产党的发展成熟起到十分重要的作用。今天重新出版《宣言》七个版本的影印本。对于学术和理论研究具有特别重要的意义。     

Organic purity and the role of anthropology in Cambodia and Rwanda

Straus investigates the ideology of two genocidal regimes in the developing world: the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia and Hutu Power in Rwanda. Although the regimes were quite different - one Communist, the other nationalist - he argues that their ideals converged around a notion of organic purity. Both regimes pursued extraordinary violence to meet the ideal: mass destruction was a method to achieve organic purity. Straus further contends that anthropological writings provided the necessary ideational building blocks for this ideal. In promoting a violent return to a mythic past, both murderous regimes embraced the images and concepts of European archaeology and ethnography.     

From Islam en France to Islam de France: contradictions of the French left's responses to Islam

ABSTRACT

The political class in France, especially the left, has been profoundly shaped by the revolutionary heritage of 1789. Determined to combat the determinisms that fractured French society under the ancien régime, such as religion, the individual was reconfigured, first as a citizen and then, by the left, as indistinguishable from a class, the proletariat. While in both cases the conceptualization of the individual had the benefit of unity and clarity, the abstract nature of these notions too often left out those very factors that are most significant to those individuals themselves for their self-definition. Moreover, the social transformation of France since the 1960s has exposed the culture-specific conditioning that underlay the apparent neutrality of the conceptualization of the individual bequeathed by 1789. Raymond explores how the left has struggled with its intellectual heritage in its relationship with minorities, especially Muslims, from the xenophobic populism of the Communists in the early 1980s to the recognition proposed by some Socialists during their last period in government. Paradoxically, the institutional accommodation reached with the Islamic community by the centre-right governments of the past decade, notably the creation of the Conseil Français du Culte Musulman (French Council of the Muslim Faith) in 2002, built on the initiatives of previous Socialist administrations. They set the course for a better integration of the Muslim community by transforming Islam en France (Islam in France) into an Islam de France (French Islam). But in spite of the initial impetus given by the Socialists to the institutional assimilation of Islam, their reactions to the emergence of a French Islamic identity remain contradictory. The question therefore persists as to whether the left in France, impregnated by a historically conditioned secularism, can be reconciled with a community defined by its faith through the emergence of a ‘Gallican’ Islam, or whether the time has come for a fundamental reappraisal of the ideology of the French left, and even the Republic itself.     

全球化、宗教及21世纪的马克思主义 --戴维·麦克莱伦教授访谈

戴维·麦克莱伦教授在访谈中提出全球化的三个层面的含义:世界金融市场的活动容量的增大;世界贸易一体性的增强;全球化不仅仅是经济过程,它影响到人们生活的方方面面.他还谈到全球化与马克思主义、共产主义与宗教、未来社会与社会主义的关系.