十年来我国妇女/性别理论研究的发展--联合国第四次世界妇女大会产生的积极影响

从1995年第四次世界妇女大会在北京的筹备和召开,到后来举行的北京 5和北京 10等一系列相关的活动,世妇会的原则和理念得到了不断的强化,这些理念凝结和渗透在妇女理论研究领域,极大地推进了我国妇女/性别理论研究事业的发展。本文回顾了十年来妇女/性别理论研究在研究内容、研究视角及研究机制等方面的变化和进展,以期进一步推动我国的妇女/性别研究在社会科学研究领域的重要影响。     

一个女性文本中的"男孩"形象--对《可以吃的女人》的另一种解读

在《可以吃的女人》中,作为“男孩”而非“男人”形象出现的邓肯,是男权社会的边缘人和失败者。作者注重男性整体概念之下的个体差异,通过女主角的视角揭示了邓肯的独特性,以及他对于女性解放、建立新的男女关系的积极意义,避免了通过将所有男性树立为敌人而得到女性解放的陷阱。     

促进西部地区女性参与决策管理

近十年来，西部地区积极完善女性参与决策管理的法规制度，营造女性参与决策管理的良好氛围，使女性参与决策管理的程度和水平均有大幅度提升，但是仍然存在有待改善的地方，突出表现为农村女性参与基层民主管理的整体水平较低、女性“权力尖端缺位”问题依然存在两个方面。因此，促进西部地区女性参与决策管理必须尊重女性价值，构建平等的性别文化；将社会性别意识纳入政治文明视野；构建女性参政的外部支持体系。     

Commentary

Abstract

Women prisoners make up a small percentage of the prison population, yet they are the fastest growing population in prison, especially among women of color. Many of these women are typically young, poor, and uneducated mothers, and they often encounter an assortment of social and health problems while incarcerated. This commentary examines some of the issues that predispose women of color to commit crimes and the challenges they face in the New York State prison system.     

“女汉子”与“女子汉”：火与冰--元语言视角的解读

从元语言视角分析“女汉子”与“女子汉”在语素、语义和认知方面的异同，挖掘“女汉子”火爆和“女子汉”遇冷的原因发现，其内部原因主要包括二者所指范围、语体风格、具体使用的差异；外部因素主要是名人效应和时代呼唤。     

中国古代关于穆斯林的法律制度及其变 迁

穆斯林在中国的历史，最早可以追溯到唐代中期。自唐代以来，在不同历史时期古代中国都制定了相应的法律制度，穆斯林也在中国古代法律的变迁中逐步融入中华民族。     

The Avalanche Perspective: women jurists in Korea 1952–2008

The author proposes and employs the Avalanche Perspective in analysing the entry of women into the Korean judiciary from the first pioneers in 1952 to the present. Starting from a general atmospheric warming trend towards women in postwar Korea, there developed instability in the status quo, then a breakthrough that led to a cascade of women participating in the legal profession. Although cultural resistance and political obstacles remained to be overcome, this quantitative expansion ultimately led to a greater acceptance of women’s participation in the judicial arena. Significant judicial changes that furthered the causes of women in contemporary Korea were coincident with women being members of the judiciary. The quantitative changes of the past fifty-six years opened the possibility of qualitative progress for women in the Korean judiciary. The Avalanche Perspective as applied to the judiciary in Korea, provides an understanding of the forces at work that have had a profound effect upon the place of women in the new cultural and political reality of the Korean people.

论菲律宾穆斯林群体的性质和影响

菲律宾穆斯林具有特殊的部族集团属性,这是群体在形成过程中与外界各种势力互动的结果,也是其内部文化演化的产物.菲律宾穆斯林的这一属性决定了部族认同与伊斯兰认同交替主导群体意识,极大地影响了其与北方天主教徒的交往与互动模式,进而决定了连延多年的南部穆斯林反抗运动必将在分与合、离散与统一间徘徊.     

女性就业歧视公益诉讼制度法律机理研究

现行法律对女性就业歧视司法救济的规定不足,难以解决女性劳动者力量弱小、举证难、现有诉讼制度不足等问题。为进一步保障我国女性平等就业,需要构建女性就业歧视公益诉讼制度,从正当性、必要性、可行性分析其的法理基础。并对该制度的构建进行初步探究:原告资格以工会、妇女联合会等社会组织为主,新增专门的平等就业管理机构;举证责任在当事人之间合理分配;抗辩事由应包括劳动保护措施、真实职业资格、小微企业豁免制度等;法律责任形式从民事责任和行政责任两方面进行规范。     

Between reform and Islam: The Arab spring in Jordan 2011–2014

This article discusses the Arab Spring in Jordan and the reasons the Hashemite regime was able to survive it. Liberals, retired military officers, young people, members of tribes, and members of the Muslim Brotherhood all participated in the demonstrations against the regime, which began in January 2011. In the beginning, it seemed that diversified demonstrations would bring about the regime’s collapse, as happened in other Arab countries. But in the end, it turned out that each group acted in its own interests. Tribal leaders worried about economic concerns, liberals sought to promote political reform, and the Muslim Brotherhood demanded the establishment of an Islamic caliphate. The lack of a common goal combined with Jordan’s policy of allowing demonstrations free from the fear of violent repression, sapped protesters’ motivation and minimized the number of participants. The fear of the type of anarchy and terror seen in Syria and Egypt also frightened the protesters and led them to the conclusion that it is better to live in an undemocratic but stable regime than pursue a fight for democracy that might end badly. Ultimately, it was King Abdullah’s astute political strategy in combination with international contingencies that enabled Jordan’s Hashemite regime to survive the Arab Spring.