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1.
Gavin O'Toole 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2003,22(3):269-290
The structural economic reforms justified by neoliberal ideas that transformed Mexico's statist political economy in the 1980s posed a direct challenge to the nationalism inherited from the revolutionary era that had long served to legitimise the interventions of the social state. This article examines the strategy adopted by the administration of President Carlos Salinas de Gortari (1988–1994) to reconcile the rival ambitions of neoliberalism and nationalism and its reasons for doing so. It does so by examining ideas concerning the state, society and the individual found in writing and speeches published in political organs and the press during this period. 相似文献
2.
李晓勇 《中共天津市委党校学报》2002,(2):78-80,F003
经济全球化是当代经济发展的一种趋势,具体表现为生产活动、贸易活动、金融活动的全球化。经济全球化的飞速发展,对我国的经济主权、产业安全、贸易安全、金融安全都造成了巨大的影响。我们必须在调整产业结构、加大开放力度、转变经济增长方式和协调国际关系上作出努力,积极应对经济全球化的挑战。 相似文献
3.
Benjamin J. Cohen 《国际研究展望》2003,4(3):275-292
With the rapid growth of cross-border competition among currencies, informed observers predict that the new monetary unions are virtually inevitable in many parts of the world. In fact, predictions of such alliances are misleading and almost certainly wrong. Monetary unions necessarily imply a measure of collective action in the issue and management of money. An alliance requires allies—other states with similar preferences and a disposition to act cooperatively. A survey of proposed monetary unions shows that willing partners among sovereign states are just not all that plentiful. Conceivably some governments could be attracted to less demanding forms of monetary alliance, depending on bargaining context. But prospects for many full new monetary unions are dim at best. 相似文献
4.
叶岗 《四川警官高等专科学校学报》2003,15(5):47-50
省会城市刑事技术工作应作为全国刑事技术体系的独立一层来构建,其内部业务部门的设置应主要以专业特性为依据,现有“法医检验鉴定中心”应改在整个刑事技术工作的统一平台上合理运行。 相似文献
5.
确定准据法的理论评析 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
吕岩峰 《河南省政法管理干部学院学报》2004,19(5):57-63
确定准据法 ,是冲突规范的基本功能和根本目标。传统的国际私法理论主要就是确定准据法的理论 ,而确定准据法的理论则是传统国际私法存在的精神基础。从“法则区别说”到“法律关系本座说”再到“最密切联系说”等 ,既标志着国际私法的历史进程 ,也反映着人们探寻确定准据法的原则、规则和方法的思索轨迹。这些理论的宗旨是解释和调和适用外国法与内国国家主权 (或属地优越权 )之间的矛盾。 相似文献
6.
张筱玮 《山西省政法管理干部学院学报》2012,25(3):7-9,18
由于国际商事仲裁裁决被国际社会普遍承认与强制执行,这使得一项裁决在某一国家被撤销,却可能在其他国家获得承认与执行。通过理论及实践分析,承认与执行被撤销的仲裁裁决有其合理性,但应以撤销理由的国际标准为条件。 相似文献
7.
国家经济主权原则析论 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
徐泉 《甘肃政法学院学报》2006,(5):73-76
经济主权作为国家主权在经济方面的重要体现,是由发展中国家在争取民族独立的进程中提出的。经济主权原则最终于20世纪70年代通过联合国的系列决议等文献在国际社会得以确立。经济主权的内涵包括狭义和广义两个层面。 相似文献
8.
国家保护责任理论论析 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
曹阳 《甘肃政法学院学报》2007,(4):148-153
国家保护责任理论以个人的主权观与安全观为核心,提出了国家与国际社会向处在危险中的人民提供生命支持保护及援助的预防责任、做出反应责任以及重建责任。国家保护责任理论是对传统的主权、安全观的重新阐释,同时也对安理会的作用进行了扩张解释。我们必须警惕国家保护责任理论以所谓普世的西方价值观来对另一个国家实施预防、反应以及重建的责任,如果不对相关的干涉行为设定必要的限制,必然会是对他国赤裸裸的干涉。 相似文献
9.
S. Jonathon O'Donnell 《Patterns of Prejudice》2018,52(1):1-23
O’Donnell analyses the confluence of Islamophobia and anti-government conspiracy theory in the works of the far-right think tank, the Center for Security Policy (CSP). He argues that, rather than only being a contemporary form of the religious and racialized demonologies that code ‘Islam’ as being the constitutive outside of ‘the ‘West—irrational, religious and authoritarian versus rational, secular and democratic—Islamophobic conspiracism should also be examined in the context of anxieties over the erosion of personal and state sovereignty under neoliberalization. Mobilizing an Islamophobic demonology that constructs ‘Muslims’ as inassimilable to ‘American’ subjectivity, the CSP's Islamophobic conspiracism projects this construction of absolute alterity on to American social and state systems. In doing so, O’Donnell contends, Islamophobic conspiracism takes neoliberalization's estrangement of the state and its citizens to its logical conclusion, transfiguring the societal processes that impact on the freedom of the individual—notably the state and civil society—into something inassimilable to that individual's claims to self-ownership and self-mastery. 相似文献
10.
Jonathan Fisher 《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2017,11(1):98-119
ABSTRACTThe physical and social retreat of international interveners behind the walls of ‘bunkered’ aid compounds in (putatively) more remote and dangerous regions of the South has been the focus of growing critical attention in recent years. An increasingly remote and fearful culture of risk aversion and differentiation among Western states and organizations has been largely identified as the driving force behind this set of practices. This article presents a different perspective on the bunkerization phenomenon through focusing on the agency of Southern states in the process. Exploring bunkerization across eastern/central Africa—and in Ethiopia’s eastern Somali region in particular—the study emphasizes not only how African states have been key promoters of modern bunkerization, but also how bunkerization behaviour and mentalities have historically characterized how many African borderlands—and contemporary sites of international intervention—have been incorporated into the global state system. 相似文献