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拉尔夫·沃尔多·爱默生是19世纪美国著名作家、超验主义哲学家和美国文艺复兴的思想领袖。在他构建的超验主义思想体系中,既吸收了西方哲学中的精华部分,也积极的从中国古代哲学思想中汲取养料,接受儒家思想,并为己所用。虽未接触道家思想,却与之奇妙的契合,最终体现为以道家为体,以儒家为用的思维模式。  相似文献   
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Abstract

The 2000 Presidential election was one of the longest, most expensive and closest in American history. It was the Presidential election that exposed the flaws (or genius) of the electoral college system, demonstrated the imperfections of media dependency on exit polls and quick election calling, and showed how a third party candidate with just two percent of the popular vote could make the difference in the crucial state of Florida. Democrats lost states they should have won; Republicans lost every big city and most of their suburbs; and the Florida election came down to a five-to-four muddled decision by the Supreme Court. Americans collectively learned a great civics lesson: that even in a bitter, controversial contest, our candidates accept defeat graciously; the simple act of voting is not so simple; and that for all its shortcomings, the electoral college did work.  相似文献   
3.
In part because the historian George Fredrickson suggested similarities between Cape Town and the city of New Orleans, the author decided to explore aspects of that particular comparison. The author compares the two cities, directly citing the differences and commonalities of the respective labor markets.  相似文献   
4.
Minor parties and strategic voting in recent U.S. presidential elections   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
I measure and explain strategic voting in the 1992, 1996, and 2000 U.S. presidential elections. Aggregate polling and election data from the 50 states and District of Columbia indicate whether a minor party candidate's support rose or fell between the final poll and Election Day. A negative vote-poll gap is evidence of classic strategic voting while a positive vote-poll gap is evidence of expressive strategic voting. Expressive voting was widespread in 1992 and 1996, but instrumental voting was dominant in 2000. In 2000 Ralph Nader lost support in most states, particularly those where the major party contest was competitive. In contrast, Ross Perot gained in most states due to expressive strategic voting facilitated by the noncompetitive national race. I also show that the vote-poll gap is a product of changes in voter turnout and, to a lesser extent, elite mobilization.  相似文献   
5.
This article traces some of the rhetoric flowing from Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership of the Labour Party to the New Left, a political and intellectual movement in the UK which rose up to challenge the Stalinisation of socialism. These New Left lineages appear most clearly in the value denoted by both movements toward extra‐parliamentary politics. Indeed, the work of the New Left intellectual Ralph Miliband considers this factor to be a criterion by which we can assess the extent to which Corbyn’s party has surpassed the traditional ‘Labourist’ mould. By going beyond the movement’s early rhetoric, I show that it hasn’t. Instead, I present evidence that Corbyn’s Labour is a deeply social democratic one. The article offers an explanation for this assessment based on comparison of the contexts from which both the New Left and Corbynism emerged, and outlines an analytical path for future scholarship that emphasises continuity as well as change, and wards against ideological bias.  相似文献   
6.
青出于蓝——梭罗与爱默生的异同   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
有师徒关系的爱默生和梭罗有很多共同之处,梭罗是在爱默生的很多关照和启发下走向成熟的,人们往往把梭罗看成是爱默生理论的实践者。实际上,梭罗却形成了与爱默生截然不同的、在现代社会中更有影响力的敬畏自然的生态观。尽管爱默生的实用主义思想和他本人的师长式派头使得他贬低了具有超前意识的梭罗,随着人们生态意识的不断增强,梭罗在人们心中的地位却越来越高。  相似文献   
7.
In the United States there is noticeably less controversy over the third party candidacy of Ralph Nader in this year's election than there has been in the previous two. Nader was blamed by many on the left for the Democratic Party's loss of the 2000 election. He has further provoked the ire of the Democrats by claiming that there is no difference between the Democratic and Republican parties. This article will focus on addressing several of the emergent questions from the Nader candidacies, namely: is there a difference between the two parties in the United States? Did Ralph Nader cost the Democrats the election in 2000? Are citizens better off voting for the ideal candidate or settling for the best candidate who has a chance of victory?  相似文献   
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