斯大林关于中国革命和社会发展的若干重要思想

斯大林在正确地认识中国革命特点的同时,反对关于中国革命问题的“左”倾思想,即反对关于中国革命发展速度上的“左”倾思想,反对关于中国建立苏维埃问题上的“左”倾思想,反对关于否定共产党员参加国民党必要性的“左”倾思想。他还就中国社会的改造、进步与发展提出了一些重要认识,如认为中国未来的政权是工农民主专政,建立这个政权有利于中国社会向社会主义社会过渡等等。     

冷战初期苏联的对外战略评析

从二战结束的1945年到1947年的两年间,由于大国关系、国际政治环境发生了重大变化,苏联的对外战略随之进行调整,即从"积极防御战略"向有限扩张战略转变。这种战略转变加剧了美苏的权力竞争和利益争夺。     

苏联发展哲学社会科学的失误及其教训借鉴

自20世纪30年代始,垄断、专制、封闭的斯大林模式导致苏联哲学社会科学发展长期的僵化和落后;20世纪80年代中期上台的戈尔巴乔夫采用公开化、民主化方式对斯大林模式进行根本的改革,反而加剧了苏联的解体。反思．苏联的教训,在发展繁荣中国特色社会主义哲学社会科学上,需要在体制、氛围和条件上不断创新。     

斯大林对中国大革命的功过是非

中国大革命能够蓬勃兴起又以失败告终,均为多种主客观因素所促成。远在异国他乡遥控指挥的斯大林,在理论指导和重大决策上均有正确和错误两种成分,产生的正负两种效应都对中国大革命曲折历程起了重大的作用。斯大林指挥失误具有多方面的原因和教训。     

Expediency always wins over ideology: Putin’s attitudes toward the Russian Communist Party

Vladimir Putin provides us with an excellent example of a politician whose attitude toward ideology is instrumental to his political longevity. He has shown that in the fight between ideology and political expedience, to maintain authority and control within the country, or to achieve geopolitical ambitions in the international arena, ideology will almost always lose the battle. It is well known that the major threat to political power stems often not from the adversary who holds diametrically opposite views, but from the rivals who share almost the same ideological position. The closer the ideological position is of a rival, the more intense the competition. For just this reason Putin is implacable toward Communists who share many of his views. He tries as much as possible to reduce the political role of the Communist party - the most serious opposition to the regime - by using the same underhanded tactics which are used against the liberals.     

Classical Marxism and Maoism: A comparative study

The issue of the Marxist character of “Mao Zedong Thought” has never really been resolved. The present work is a comparative analysis of the classical Marxism of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels and the ideology of Mao Zedong. The argument is made that whatever Marxism there was in Maoism was the “creatively developed Marxism” of V. I. Lenin—which allowed for socialist revolution in retrograde economic circumstances—something that had been specifically rejected by Marx and Engels. That led to the theoretical idiosyncrasies that characterized Maoism throughout its history, and ultimately resulted in the form rejected by Deng Xiaoping and post-Maoist China.     

MAO’S ROLE IN THE KOREAN CONFLICT: A REVISION

Abstract

In October 1950, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) was only one year old, and the Beijing regime faced daunting tasks of regime consolidation and economic reconstruction. Thus, the CIA consistently predicted that China would not enter the Korean War, even if the United States crossed the 38th parallel. Acting on the CIA’s prediction, US forces invaded North Korea on October 8, 1950. China proved the CIA’s analysis wrong by sending masses of troops into Korea late in October, pushing the US force back south of the 38th parallel before the end of 1950. This article uncovers historical evidence to revise the existing literature on the topic of the Chinese intervention in Korea. Why did China intervene despite all the odds against Beijing? This study demonstrates the historical role of “agents,” that is, individual with various personal attributes. By using newly available sources from China and Russia as well as a new interpretation, this article breaks new ground on a significant topic in the fields of international relations and the Cold War international history.     

Where Trotsky's Train Comes From: A Literary Scholar's View of a Revolutionary's Biography

The article discusses the autobiography of Leon Trotsky (published by Bronshtein in 1930) from a psychoanalytic angle. Trotsky the revolutionary leader was a key figure in the October 1917 coup, and a statesman second only to Lenin in the early years of the Soviet regime. The article concentrates on Trotsky's departure from Judaism and evolution toward Christianity. The author sees this drift as parallel to Trotsky's transition from the Jewish bourgeoisie to the Russian proletariat. The next step in this process of denationalization would be Trotsky's embracing of world revolution. Bolshevik terror became for Trotsky a form of emancipation from his personal past.     

Russian Studies Without Russia

A distinguished American specialist on Soviet and Russian politics addresses the lessons of the seven years leading to Russia's crash of 1998 for how US scholars, journalists, and politicians have analyzed Russia under Yeltsin. Citing a wide range of academic and journalistic sources, including materials published from October 1998 to January 1999, the article surveys and criticizes the mainstream concepts employed for comprehending social, political, and economic life in that country. It proposes both an alternative vocabulary and different comparative references for explaining and predicting developmental trends in Russia.