蒋介石儒化三民主义之评析

独揽孙中山三民主义解释权之后 ,蒋介石获得了统摄全党思想的合法性 ,为走上个人独裁道路 ,从理念上打开了一扇大门。蒋介石对三民主义解释的实质 ,是儒化三民主义。他将孙中山描述为中国儒家伦理道德的集大成者 ,将儒家伦理道德与三民主义融为一体 ,使之成为孙中山三民主义的“精髓” ,进而在全国范围掀起思想文化上的尊孔复古。在这一过程中 ,蒋介石还充分利用了戴季陶主义。随着三民主义被儒化 ,其原有的民族民主革命与现代化之精神也逐渐消解与湮没。     

Staying Alive: 1970s Southern Cone Exiles in the UK

This article seeks to contribute to the study of the 1970s dictatorships in Argentina, Chile and Uruguay by looking at one specific aspect of those regimes: exile. It considers exile in the UK, a host country on which research is limited, and claims that the fundamental political ideas that had inspired these exiles did not vanish but were variously reshaped, depending on changing political circumstances, how the exiles interacted with local forms of solidarity, and how they lived through the personal challenges that they experienced during exile.     

法学的阶级话语论析

阶级话语是当代中国法学的正统意识形态。由于法学阶级话语的霸权倾向和当代中国社会结构的深刻变化,这种话语在理论逻辑和说服力上面临着困境。     

防止政府脱离人民民主专政的国家本质--马克思主义国家学说的重要启示

代表最广大人民群众的根本利益,充分体现人民民主专政的国家本质,是当前我国政府体制改革的重大问题。确立人民群众在社会公共管理中的主体地位,促进政府与人民群众在公共领域的合作,是有效防止政府脱离人民民主专政国家本质的根本途径。马克思主义国家学说所揭示的这一基本原理,为防止政府脱离人民民主专政的国家本质提供了锐利武器。     

British Campaigns for Solidarity with Argentina and Chile

The Chile solidarity movement persuaded British Labour governments (1974–1979) to introduce a range of measures against the Pinochet regime. But campaigners lobbying against the Argentine dictatorship (1976–1983) had less impact on policy. Neither these Labour governments nor the subsequent Conservative government imposed any sanction on the Argentine dictatorship, until the invasion of the Falkland Islands. This article explores why in Britain – and Europe – the Chile campaign had greater public appeal than the Argentina solidarity campaigns. It identifies a number of common factors across Europe which explain why the anti-Pinochet cause generated more support than the Argentina campaign.     

An Ever-Shadowed Past? Citizens’ Attitudes towards the Dictatorship in Twenty-First Century Portugal

Abstract

Several years after the transition to democracy, positive attitudes towards the authoritarian past are still observable in Portugal: the belief that the previous regime had more good things than bad things is expressed by about one-fifth of the Portuguese. What explains this nostalgic sentiment? Are factors such as socialisation under the regime, party identification or religiosity more important than satisfaction with democracy and the state of the economy? The empirical analysis suggests that the relevance of these factors varies considerably, but socialisation phases lead to different stances on the past both in routine times and in times of economic crisis.     

Communicating authoritarian elite cohesion

In this paper, we develop a theoretical framework to analyse the communicative imperatives authoritarian regimes face as a consequence of their self-inflicted opacities. The most important facts about the actors and factors that sustain authoritarian rule are unobservable. To demonstrate their power, authoritarian rulers have to render them visible. They have to dramatize their power and present on the front stage what they want people to know about the backstage of authoritarian politics. We conceptualize the communicative strategies of authoritarian rulers with a focus on the primary existential threats they face: the lateral threats that emanate from within the authoritarian elite. We illustrate dictators’ communicative repertoire with empirical material from communist Cuba from 2006 to 2011, during the critical juncture of leadership transition from Fidel Castro to his brother Raúl.     

Learning,political regimes and the liberalisation of trade

In this article, the probability of opening to trade is related to a country's propensity to learn from other countries in its region. It is argued that countries have different motivations to learn, depending upon the responsiveness and accountability of their political regimes. Whereas democracies cannot afford to be dogmatic, authoritarian regimes are less motivated to learn from the experience of others, even if they embrace policies that fail. Using data on trade liberalisation for 57 developing countries in the period 1970–1999, it is found that democracies confronting economic crises are more likely to liberalise trade as a result of learning; among democracies, presidential systems seem to learn more, whereas personalist dictatorial regimes are the most resistant to learning from the experience of others.     

人民民主专政理论的哲学分析及当代启示

人民民主专政理论是毛泽东思想的重要组成部分,包含着丰富的哲学思想。关于这一理论的哲学分析,对当前中国特色社会主义建设的启示是:党必须推动中国经济社会的全面发展,必须始终把发展作为党执政兴国的第一要务,必须始终坚持以人为本的执政理念,必须用发展着的马克思主义指导中国新的实践。     

列宁对马克思主义暴力与自由关系思想的继承和发展

作为一个出色的理论家,列宁准确掌握了马克思主义科学社会主义的方法论要义,确立了马克思主义暴力与自由关系思想的基本内核,发展了马克思主义暴力与自由关系思想,指引世界范围内各被压迫民族和人民找到了争取自由和解放的正确道路,随后世界上涌现出一大批社会主义政权和国家。列宁在继承和发展马克思主义暴力与自由关系思想基础上,对第二国际的修正和叛卖进行了彻底批判,并领导建立了共产国际,用彻底的马克思主义暴力与自由关系思想武装各国工人阶级,指导国际工人解放事业取得历史性的巨大成就。