Dominance and Domestic Abuse Among Mexican Americans: Gender Differences in the Etiology of Violence in Intimate Relationships

Gender differences in dominance and aggressive behavior in intimate relationships among Mexican Americans were examined. Three hundred and sixteen Mexican American men and women took the Dominance Scale and the Conflict Tactics Scale 2 (CTS2). Results showed that power and possessiveness were associated with all types of aggressive behavior. Dominance was, however, expressed differently by men and women. High power and possessiveness were associated with all types of aggressive behavior. Decision-making power was also associated with physical assault, and high devaluation with inflicting injury among men. Among women, high power was only associated with physical assault, whereas possessiveness was associated with psychological aggression and physical assault. Devaluation was also high among women who inflicted injury on their male partners.     

马克思哲学革命视域下的现代性批判话语

马克思哲学革命的实质在于实现了从现成论的思维方式向生成论思维方式的转向,而推动马克思哲学革命的基本动力是对资本现代性的追问和批判。马克思哲学革命与现代性批判话语的内在关联对当前我国现代性的构建有着重要的指导意义。     

合同法价值构造变革

合同法的价值有公平、自由、效率等。其中,合同自由成为近现代合同法的各种价值的载体和集中体现。垄断出现后,合同自由受到格式合同、强制缔约、消费者权益保护法、劳动法、一般条款等的限制,并且,在效率原则及经济全球化的推动下,合同法出现了统一化趋势。在现代,合同自由仍然是一项基本原则,但合同法的价值构造发生了变革。     

Mexicans react to electoral fraud and political corruption: an assessment of public opinion and voting behavior

Despite various electoral reforms enacted in Mexico between 1988 and 1994, large numbers of Mexicans doubted the honesty of elections and the general integrity of their country's policy making process. Such doubts did not automatically lead, however, to support for opposition parties that called for greater democratization. Rather, voter preferences were largely dependent on judgments about the opposition's viability and competence. Widespread suspicions about fraud and corruption in Mexico did affect electoral outcomes by making it less likely that potential opposition supporters turned out to vote. Data are drawn from seven national public opinion surveys conducted in Mexico in 1986, 1988, 1991, 1994 (3 polls), and 1995.     

社会主义革命和建设时期党的农民思想政治教育的历史考察

社会主义革命和建设时期中国共产党主动顺应农村形势与任务的发展变化,很快适应了从革命党到执政党的角色转变,围绕党的中心任务开展了内容丰富的农民思想政治教育工作.该时期农民思想政治教育的理论与实践蕴涵着经验、教训,更留给我们深刻的启迪.     

Between Two Fires: Mayangna Indians in Post‐Revolutionary Nicaragua, 1979–1990

The predominant Mayangna narrative of the Nicaraguan Civil War holds that the Miskitu tricked them into joining the conflict. However, I argue here that the Mayangna leadership and the Sandinista government were also responsible, as Sandinista denial of the importance of ethnic difference in Nicaragua allowed Miskitu nationalists, using the language of religion, to co‐opt Mayangna leaders, while subsequent Sandinista violence turned Mayangna civilians against the revolution. Accusations of trickery stem from later Mayangna disillusion with the war and from problems with the autonomous political system set up in its wake, which encourages the Mayangna to underplay the role of their own leaders and the Sandinista government in embroiling them in the conflict. This one‐sided narrative, however, increasingly defines Mayangna interpretations of their very identity as a people.     

贯彻落实科学发展观树立正确监狱执法理念

监狱执法理念是涉及执法和管理的根本性问题。树立正确的执法理念,是社会法治文明在监狱执法工作中的重要体现,是适应监狱体制改革、完善刑罚执行制度的必然要求,是面向监狱工作实际、解决现实问题的迫切需要。监狱机关要在执法和管理中努力做到依法、规范、公正、文明,重点解决好“三个不能”的问题,抓好“四种规范”,在执法工作中实现“五个更加”,促进三个方面的文明化建设。监狱机关要以正确执法理念为统揽,正确定位监狱的职能和监狱警察的职责,努力维护监狱安全稳定,积极探索新的监狱生产组织结构,稳妥推进监狱体制和机制改革,建设高素质执法队伍,推进监狱工作创新发展。     

Does nationalism promote democracy? Comparative analyses of Ukraine's ‘Maidan’ revolution and Poland's ‘Solidarity’ mass mobilisation

The increased number of ‘democratic revolutions’ around the globe has raised questions of how mass mobilisation contributes to democracy and of what role nationalism plays in this process. Mass mobilisation is viewed as the best option for breaking down communist regimes due to the rise of new political elites to positions of power within the state. On the other hand, the revolutionary character of mass mobilisation movements, together with the uncertainty of the link between democracy and nationalism, may lead such movements to impact negatively on democratisation. Ukraine's ‘Maidan’ revolution and Poland's ‘Solidarity’ movement allow for a comparison of two types of mass movements in terms of both causes and outcomes. This article claims that the mass protests in Ukraine, as opposed to those in Poland, did not lead to democratisation but rather to the opposite: the polarisation of both political elites and civil society. The role of nationalism, in this respect, was shaped and interpreted by political leaders.     

Clase política y medios: explorando el fenómeno de la publicidad política encubierta en México

This work presents the results of a qualitative research that explores the phenomenon of political publicity on noncommercial television content, which has been growing since the electoral reform of 2007–2008. Since then, the acquisition of airtime for electoral advertising purposes, as well as the appearance of public officials on government advertising has been prohibited. The information was gathered through ‘in depth’ interviews, and analyzed through Strauss and Corbin grounded theory model, which allowed confirmation of the existence of covert political publicity, as well as to provide a definition of this concept and determine its causes, characteristics, and consequences. It was concluded that, despite the legal modification aiming to guarantee a more equitable political communication model and the eradication of airtime commercialization for electoral campaigning, this was not achieved due to structural conditions of the political system in Mexico and the relation between media and government, which impacts political communication, and extends beyond the electoral issue and its regulatory framework.