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1.
Judith Rowbotham 《Liverpool Law Review》2007,28(3):377-403
This article revisits the Baroda Incident 1875, providing a detailed examination of the Enquiry or ‹trial’ for the first time,
and locating that examination in the wider socio-cultural context of the nineteenth century British Empire (especially the
Raj) and the exporting of the ‹British’/English legal culture to the Empire. The implications of the establishing of British
principles of justice, including the value placed upon Indian-generated evidence and testimony by the courts, are explored,
in order to establish the Baroda Incident as a significant miscarriage of justice. Using historical methodologies as well
as postcolonial insights, it demonstrates that the concepts of justice on which the British prided themselves were intrinsincally
racialised as well as gendered, with profound modern resonances.
Dr. Judith Rowbotham is a Reader, School of Arts and Humanities, Nottingham Trent University. 相似文献
2.
CAROLINE A. WILLIAMS 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2007,26(2):181-199
This article explores the consequences for the native population of the Colombian Chocó of the emergence, over the course of the eighteenth century, of an elite of caciques and indios mandones or principales whose functions of powers far exceeded those of the warrior chiefs that had traditionally acted as leaders of their people. Appointed for the purpose of facilitating the collection of tribute and the supply of labour to European settlers, caciques and mandones were almost universally rejected by native communities during the early phases of Spanish colonisation (c. 1630–1690), and they disappear from the historical record after Independence. Eighteenth‐century sources, however, not only record the existence of a clearly defined elite of mandones or principales in villages across the region, but show these individuals engaging actively with the colonial authorities, on behalf of their communities, at local and audiencia levels. This article argues that, at a time of a much strengthened European presence in the region, caciques and mandones came to understand their roles in ways that were entirely different from those intended by the Spanish, and in so doing acquired the legitimacy that had eluded their seventeenth‐century predecessors. Far from serving merely as intermediaries between settlers and indigenous populations, indios mandones acted as negotiators on behalf of the indigenous population, whose task was to defend and/or advance the interests of the communities they had been appointed to control. 相似文献
3.
20世纪90年代以来中印贫困问题比较研究 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
本文对中印贫困的现状、外在表征和内在成因等方面做出了深入细致的分析与研究,揭示出中印贫困现象背后深层次的运行机理,进而为两国政府探索消除贫困、制定切实可行的因应对策提供了全新的理论视角。 相似文献
4.
Zhonghai Zhou 《Frontiers of Law in China》2006,1(3):363-371
The world has changed dramatically over the years, and being two of the world’s largest and most populous developing countries,
India and China should remain in close touch on issues concerning developing nations. Today’s challenges to maritime security
increasingly comprise more non-traditional threats, such as terrorist acts against shipping, trafficking in weapons of mass
destruction, piracy and armed robbery at sea, illicit transportation in narcotic drugs, psychotropic substances and nuclear
substances, and smuggling of people and arms. It is therefore important to intensify cooperation at all levels to address
threats to maritime security and safety in a comprehensive manner through bilateral and multilateral instruments and mechanisms
aimed at monitoring, preventing and responding to such threats. 相似文献
5.
6.
印度软实力源自印度悠久的历史和灿烂的文化。印度在东南亚的软实力主要表现为印度对东南亚国家的双边和多边外交、印度对东南亚国家开展的广泛的经济社会文化合作,以及形式多样、丰富多彩的印度文化产品等。与其他西方国家相比,印度在东南亚展示其软实力的手段与方式更加多元化,也更加容易为东南亚国家所接受。 相似文献
7.
8.
Walter C. Ladwig III 《Legislative Studies Quarterly》2020,45(3):469-493
Why do political parties in parliamentary systems undertake actions, such as joining a coalition government, that will entail significant costs for their members in subsequent elections? Recent research points to the incentive structures faced by differentially positioned members of a parliamentary party: unlike backbenchers, MPs who hold a ministerial portfolio can use the prerequisites of executive office to shield themselves from the costs of governance. This article tests the theory of executive particularism by examining the electoral fortunes of government ministers in India. Sitting government ministers are found to outperform other candidates; however, tests of causality fail to demonstrate that holding a ministerial portfolio causes this electoral benefit. Instead, it appears that a candidate’s electoral performance enhances the likelihood of being granted a ministerial portfolio in the first place. This finding raises questions about the generalizability of claims that party elites can use ministerial office to shield themselves from the costs of governing. 相似文献
9.
印俄战略伙伴关系的新发展 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
印俄战略伙伴关系是冷战时期印苏特殊关系的继承和演进。进入21世纪以后,随着俄罗斯的复兴和印度的崛起,双方重新审视对方在各自战略棋盘上的分量,决定建立"战略伙伴关系",加强在政治、经济、军事、科技、能源等领域的合作。由于俄罗斯与中国的"战略协作伙伴关系"不断深化,印度与中国"面向和平与繁荣的战略伙伴关系"正在推进,印俄战略伙伴关系对于中国具有某种积极意义。尽管印俄对中国的态度有一定区别,但是印俄战略伙伴关系对中国的良性作用值得肯定。 相似文献
10.
安倍政府印太战略的形成有一个逐步演进和明确化的过程,基本成型于安倍政府宣示的“自由与开放的印太”战略构想,背景是其“亚太战略”受挫、印度洋地缘板块抬升、中美战略态势更新等。其战略的主要目标有三:政治层面上维持西方主导的国际规则和地区秩序;经济上确保日本利益,对冲中国“一带一路”倡议;安全上主要是保障海洋秩序和海上通道自由,制约中国的实力拓展。实施办法则是以日、美、澳、印间的双多边合作为平台,综合采取政治、经济及安全等各种举措。安倍政府通过深耕日印、引美入“群”、补齐多边、宣介推广来促进其印太战略,态度在相关四国中积极而突出。日本推动印太战略创新面临挑战与不确定性,中国对此应加大引领、趋利避害,塑造有利于中国新时代发展所需的良好环境。 相似文献