试论规模困境与联邦主义

小国自由民主 ,但却因弱小而易被外国势力灭亡 ;大国繁荣强大 ,但却易出现专制腐败而灭亡。如何把国家之大而产生的好处与国家之小而产生的好处结合起来 ,解决规模带来的困境 ,联邦主义“运用许多共存的、相互交叉的政府单位”提供了解决的方法 ,既有统一的联邦 ,又有自治的州和各级地方政府 ,在自由、活力与统一、秩序之间达到了平衡 ,使美国“既像一个小国那样自由和幸福 ,又像一个大国那样光荣和强大”。     

On the political consequences of privatisation: the case of Teléfonos de México

This article examines the political consequences of the most important single privatisation in Mexico, that of the national telecommunications company, Telmex. During the late 1980s and early 1990s, diverse observers of Mexico claimed that, as the government pursued a dramatic privatisation programme as part of a broader plan to liberalise the economy, democratic growth would be encouraged. This argument is challenged in the case of the Telmex privatisation. It is shown how privatisation generated new resources that were channelled to lubricate corporatist relations and that the so‐called new unionism emerging from the telephone workers’union did not represent a departure from, but a culmination of, traditional state‐labour relations in Mexico.     

International labour standards: Challenging globalization ideology?

The article centres on the role of differential labour standards in the restructuring of the global economy. The denial of labour rights in Asia is a significant factor in the Asian investment boom and in the employment crises in the OECD countries. The first section outlines the Clinton administration's intervention on labour standards in Asia, the strident reaction from Asian governments and from US business interests, and the administration's rapid retreat into ‘constructive engagement’. The second section considers neo‐liberal arguments advanced in favour of nonintervention in the labour sphere since the freeing up of trade and market forces generates economic growth, which in itself improves labour standards. The assumptions underlying this model are critiqued. Finally, alternatives that recognize the significant influence of labour standards on global investment flows are identified. Here it is argued that the emergence of independent unionism in Asia could have a significant effect on the structure of the the global economy in the longer term.     

当代资本主义的变化与工会的作用

20世纪末的当代资本主义已不同于传统的早期资本主义 ,还具有调节生产力同生产关系、经济基础同上层建筑矛盾的能力 ,生产关系暂时还有容纳生产力发展的空间 ,工会已成为当代资本主义制度下的重要的社会平衡力量。     

社会运动工会主义的形成和发展 ——非洲工会的发展历程及其在劳动雇佣管制中的作用

在“一带一路”倡议中，非洲国家不可或缺。非洲国家工会的发展可以分为 3 个阶段，即殖民 时期、独立运动后初期及政治民主化转型时期。非洲工会发展与政治斗争密不可分，这也决定了其社会运动工 会主义的“激进”特性。现在非洲工会力量普遍薄弱，一方面是由于经济自由化导致了正式经济中的大量失业 和工会成员人数的急剧下降，另一方面是因为许多非洲国家政府对劳动法的改革，在承认工会合法地位的同时 又极大限制了工会行动。虽然非洲工会在劳动雇佣管制中的作用有限，但是当发生严重侵犯工人权利的行为时， 非洲工会仍然会通过组织工人罢工、静坐等形式来进行反抗。研究建议，对于在非投资的中资企业来说，要更 加关注东道国的工会运行情况，充分尊重员工的权利，加强与工会的沟通，提升员工的归属感。     

Beyond Unionism versus Nationalism: the Rise of the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland

Northern Ireland has always been a polity noted for its strong links between national identity, religion, and voting, and acute British unionist versus Irish nationalist divisions. The constitutional question of whether Northern Ireland should be part of the UK or a united Ireland dominates. Yet, recent surveys have suggested a sizeable and growing section of its electorate declares itself neither unionist nor nationalist. This development may have assisted the growth of the centrist Alliance Party, which rejects unionist and nationalist identities and claims to be neutral on Northern Ireland’s constitutional status. Alliance doubled its vote across three elections in 2019 and is now the third largest party in the region. This article examines the importance of ideological dealignment relative to other factors, such as Alliance’s opposition to Brexit, in explaining the rise of a non-binary party in a divided society.     

Trade unions and workplace organization: regulating labour markets in the Belgian and American flat glass industry and in the Amsterdam diamond industry in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries

In all three industries, internal subcontracting as a way to organize the workplace determined the emergence of craft unionism in the nineteenth century. In both Belgian and American window-glassmaking craft unionism, originally based on exclusion of low-skilled workers who had been underhands in the system of subcontracting, persisted well into the twentieth century, until full mechanization made artisanal glassblowing obsolete. Only then all workers could be united in an industrial union. In diamond manufacturing, craft unions were replaced by a unified industrial union already in the 1890s. In all three industries, trade unions had the biggest impact when they were able to regulate product markets and industrial competition through labour market control. Methods, time frames and duration of labour market control differed considerably, however.     

论“工会法治化”的中国特色社会主义工会制度发展新途径

＂工会法治化＂,包括工会法律制度的建立健全和工会法律角色的合理设定,能够促进工会在市场经济劳动关系中切实履行其维权职能。无论是工会工作适应新时代的转变,还是＂组织起来、切实维权＂工会新方针,得以经由＂法治化＂的工会制度实现;并且工会制度适应国内外劳工法律环境也需＂法治化＂发展。所以,＂工会法治化＂应成为中国特色社会主义工会制度发展新途径。     

Republicanism Domesticated? All‐Ireland Politics in an Age of Austerity

This paper examines some of the key factors working in favour of mutual insulation between the two political jurisdictions in Ireland, factors that contribute to the ‘copper‐fastening’ of partition and that constitute a major obstacle to any Irish Republican project focused on the ending of partition. It outlines the powerful structural forces working for the naturalisation of Northern Ireland as a political unit. It argues that some of these factors are almost entirely independent of political unionism and in certain respects work to copperfasten partition despite the efforts of unionism. It goes on to outline a number of key elements that work against the mutual insulation of the jurisdictions and the domestication of Irish Republican and nationalist politics in a Northern Ireland context, factors that continue to pull the North back into an all‐Ireland context despite all of the powerful structural factors working to mutually insulate the politics of the two jurisdictions.     

Japanese Labour Unions and Nuclear Energy: A Historical Analysis of Their Ideologies and Worldviews

This article analyses how diverse stances toward nuclear energy were produced and reproduced among Japanese labour unions from the mid-1960s to the mid-1980s, and how these stances of the formative period influenced the subsequent development of inter-union politics before and after the Fukushima nuclear plant disaster in 2011, based on content analysis of union bulletins and other materials of pro- and anti-nuclear energy unions. This article asks three research questions: (i) what factors contributed to pro- or anti-nuclear energy stances of labour unions?; (ii) what elements constituted or framed unions’ arguments on the issue of nuclear energy?; and (iii) what impact did these stances and arguments formed in the early period have on the subsequent development of inter-union politics over nuclear energy, especially in the aftermath of the Fukushima nuclear disaster? The paper shows union ideologies and institutional integration were the factors influencing unions’ stances on nuclear energy. It also analyses the worldviews of pro- and anti-nuclear energy unions based on the three policy styles of technological enthusiasts, moralists and cost-benefiters. The Fukushima disaster reinforced the previously formed division of union ideologies, but considerably weakened the discourse of technological enthusiasm stressed by pro-nuclear energy unions.