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1.
The Havana Peace Accords of 2016 sought to end five decades of internal conflict in Colombia. As well as disarming the FARC, they promise to bring state institutions to abandoned regions and enable citizen participation. However, there is an obstacle to this which has consistently been overlooked by Juan Manuel Santos' government: a chronic distrust in the state dating back to colonialism. This article draws on ethnographic research with the Colombian government's ‘peace pedagogy’ team, tasked innovatively with educating citizens about the Havana Accords and incorporating them in the co-production of peace. It shows that citizens' learning about state policies, and reception of state efforts to shape that learning, are filtered through pre-existing perceptions of the state: in Colombia, interpretative frameworks of distrust. This ethnography illuminates state–society relations in the Colombian peace process, offering implications for ongoing implementation of the Accords, and posing questions for other countries in transition, arguing that historically-constituted perceptions of the state should be taken into account when communicating government policies to society.  相似文献   
2.
This article contributes to the development of theories on European integration by testing and exploring statistical models on the long-term development of legislative activity of the European Commission. Drawing on legal information gained from the European Union’s PreLex database and analyzing it with the help of statistical analyses, we map out growth patterns of EU law between 1976 and 2003. We construct time-series models and models based on non-linear regression. While the performance of models based on the traditional theoretical approaches, intergovernmentalism and neo-functionalism, is rather poor, the analysis suggests that nonlinear dynamic models might be an interesting avenue for future conceptualizations of the EU integration process. This article is based on a paper presented at the ECPR Standing Group on the European Union Second Pan-European Conference on EU Politics, “Implications of a Wider Europe: Politics, Institutions and Diversity”, 24–26 June 2004, Bologna, Italy. We would like to thank the seminar participants for useful comments.  相似文献   
3.
British constitutional legal discourse is structurally limited in its capacity to capture the complexity of the Good Friday Agreement. Rather than assessing the Agreement in narrow devolutionary terms, it should be seen as a hybrid domestic and international law instrument, making an important contribution to accepted international law norms in relation to self-determination. The Agreement transforms and partly transcends the Northern Ireland conflict by substituting political contestation for violent conflict, and by defining the modalities of conducting that contestation. This analysis complements classical international law perspectives, and opens up the application of legal discourses associated with 'transitional justice' to the legal and political transformation in Northern Ireland. These discourses focus on the problem of reconciling the demands of peace with the imperatives of justice. The Agreement sits squarely in this terrain with its provisions on 'dealing with the past' and 'institutional legacies'. The insights gained here challenge orthodox thinking about conflict-management and the ongoing political process.  相似文献   
4.
谢红霞 《行政与法》2005,(3):115-116
作为目前世界上最成熟和最发达的区域性国际组织,欧盟在很多方面有值得其他国际组织借鉴的地方。本文主要探讨了欧盟法对欧盟成员国的效力的问题。其中包括了欧盟法对欧盟成员国的时间效力范围和空间效力范围、欧盟法的效力优于欧盟成员国国内法、欧盟法在欧盟成员国的直接效力和间接效力以及欧盟法律与欧盟成员国法律之间的配合关系效力,以希望从中可以引出一些有益的启示。  相似文献   
5.
西方国家民事诉讼的发展趋势由偏重开庭审理转为审前准备程序并重 ,体现出法官的职权行使受当事人权利的约束等一些共同特征。审前准备程序的价值在于为当事人拥有积极行使诉讼权利的空间和手段 ,提高诉讼参与性 ,保障诉讼的民主性、公正性和公开性提供基础条件。  相似文献   
6.
欧盟安全模式的体系层次分析   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
欧盟安全模式在冷战后日益突出,其特点在于通过有效的多边主义来维护安全。在冷战期间西欧国家地处两极对抗的前沿,两极格局的终结也对欧盟国家造成了重大冲击。因此,欧洲安全模式的形成和发展深受体系结构和体系进程的影响和制约。其中,结构因素发挥更为重要的作用,但同时体现为国际制度的进程因素对于巩固和维护欧洲安全也有重大的反作用。国际制度无法独立于体系结构影响国家行为,在欧洲安全模式形成的过程中,体系结构是独立的自变量,国际制度则是干预变量。  相似文献   
7.
Democracy,Subsidiarity, and Citizenship in the ‘European Commonwealth’   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  

Is there a ‘constitutional moment’in contemporary Europe? What if anything is the constitution of theEuropean Union; what kind of polity is the Union? The suggestionoffered is that there is a legally constituted order, and that asuitable term to apply to it is a‘commonwealth’, comprising a commonwealthof ‘post-sovereign’ states. Is it a democraticcommonwealth, and can it be? Is there sufficiently ademos or ‘people’ for democracy to be possible?If not democratic, what is it? Monarchy, oligarchy, ordemocracy, or a ‘mixed constitution’? Argued: thereis a mixed constitution containing a reasonableelement of democratic rule. The value of democracy isthen explored in terms of individualistic versusholistic evaluation and instrumental versus intrinsicvalue. Subsidiarity can be considered in a similarlight, suggestively in terms of forms of democracyappropriate to different levels of self-government.The conclusion is that there is no absolute democraticdeficit in the European commonwealth.

  相似文献   
8.
This paper is concerned with the economic analysis of the European rules on the circulation of works of art. After reviewing the relevant literature, an economic framework of the international circulation of works of art is provided (social goals, efficiency and distributive aspects, an economic rationale for a general free trade rule integrated by selective protectionism). Using this framework the European system of circulation of works of art—resulting from the combination of the Maastricht Treaty with Regulation 3911/92 and Directive 93/7—is analysed. The main results of the analysis are: 1) the general free trade principle ruling the Single European Market is strongly limited by rules protecting national artistic heritages of member states; 2) this protectionism—working towards countries both outside and inside the European Union—is applied according to the national laws of each member state, while, contrary to what the Maastricht Treaty would call for, an artistic heritage of European significance is not defined and no autonomous role is recognized in this field to European Institutions; 3) this system shows some inconsistencies with economic theory, as strict limits to trade are not provided when they should be required by the preservation of the physical or artistic integrity of works of art, while in other cases an unduly restrained trade may derive from highly protectionist national laws and export-licencing policies of member states. Enforcement provisions are also analysed and some proposals to improve the system are advanced.  相似文献   
9.
Making a first sketch of philosophical issues arising fromEuropean Community law I want to present a series ofmore or less obvious, and more or less interrelated dilemmas,or even double binds.(i) Deepening the community becomes incompatible withwidening membership. (ii) National states seem bothnecessary for and obstructive in articulating transnationalproblems. (iii) The more democracy is needed as a warrantfor the public exercise of political power in Europe, themore the very concept of democracy on a European scaleevades understanding. (iv) European unity presupposes aunifying rule of law, while member states have radicallydifferent conceptions of this principle. (v) Even the verycore of European integration, the common market, is subjectto two conflicting and, indeed, incompatible doctrines ofcompetition. In explaining the nature of each dilemma I willtry to take my cue from the Maastricht Treaty wherever thisseems suitable. Then I will elaborate on the jurisprudentialproblems involved in it. Finally, each section will be closedby an attempt to state the nature of these problems inphilosophical terms.  相似文献   
10.
海洋法是国际法中新兴而又古老的法律部门,在20世纪30年代以前,只有少数国家能够在各个方面利用和开发海洋,因此,海洋法就成了他们掠夺资源、行使海洋霸权的工具。20世纪30年代以后,尤其是二战结束之后,随着广大发展中国家利用和开发海洋的能力和意识的不断增强,提出了许多顺应潮流的海洋法理论。为了使这些理论得以落实,广大发展中国家联合起来同少数发达国家展开了激烈的斗争,从而为现代海洋法的发展做出了重大贡献。  相似文献   
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