A New Nationalism for a New Era: The Political Ideology of Mexican Neoliberalism

The structural economic reforms justified by neoliberal ideas that transformed Mexico's statist political economy in the 1980s posed a direct challenge to the nationalism inherited from the revolutionary era that had long served to legitimise the interventions of the social state. This article examines the strategy adopted by the administration of President Carlos Salinas de Gortari (1988–1994) to reconcile the rival ambitions of neoliberalism and nationalism and its reasons for doing so. It does so by examining ideas concerning the state, society and the individual found in writing and speeches published in political organs and the press during this period.     

从宪法条约看欧盟与成员国之间的权力分配——兼评法、荷对宪法条约的否决以及欧盟的意义

为了解《建立欧洲宪法的条约》中对于成员国与欧盟机构之间的权力分配,本文从:欧盟权限的范围、欧盟如何在其授权范围内进行立法决策、欧盟法的效力等三个角度对该条约进行了分析。可以看出,宪法在对欧盟进行广泛授权的同时,仍然从根本上维护了成员国的主权,宪法条约并没有从根本上推进原有的条约体系已经达到的一体化的程度。但兼顾了一体化和各民族特征的欧盟本身正是二十世纪政治文明最重要的创新性成果,是其他国家和地区学习的典范。     

'Diacuí Killed Iracema': Indigenism, Nationalism and the Struggle for Brazilianness

If categories of 'race' and nationality are social and historical constructions laden with irrefutable meaning and consequences, then ethnic identities, like any other forms of identity, are means to other ends that may or may not be particular. Twentieth‐century indigenist history in Brazil reveals how the cultural politics of indigenism and nationalism can coalesce in a tautological politics of identity that undermines individual liberty and democratic heterogeneity. The concepts 'post‐indigenism,'post‐nationalism' and 'post‐identity' point to the strategic suspension of the infinite heterogeneity of the political subject as a means to widen the ground of shared experience and common interests beyond the realm of hollow and oppressive essentialisms.     

经济学的千年论战--论国家主义和自由主义

从古到今世界各国都有两种经济观和两种经济方略:一是主张国家干预经济,是为国家主义;二是主张国家不干预经济,是为自由主义。两种经济方略各有千秋,适用于不同条件。千百年来一直存在国家主义与自由主义的争论。18至19世纪的200年间,自由主义占上风。19世纪末,德国开国家主义之先河。20世纪20至60年代,国家主义盛行了50年;从70年代开始,自由主义东山再起,号称新自由主义。进入21世纪,新自由主义连遭挫折,国家主义有所抬头。两种经济观趋同,百年争论暂告一段落。     

全球化与西部民族地区的文化安全

球化是指所有世界各民族融合成一个单一社会、全球社会的变化过程。全球化始于经济一体化 ,进而扩展到政治和文化等各个领域。西方文化的全球扩张影响了西部民族地区的文化安全。为此 ,西部民族文化自身要在新的历史时期不断地发展和创新 ;要大力发展文化产业 ,促进西部民族地区的经济发展 ;要积极探索在新的时期保护和发展民族文化的多种形式 ;警惕全盘西化论和极端民族主义的回潮 ,保证西部民族地区文化的协调健康发展。     

Means,Motives and Opportunities in Ethno-Nationalist Mobilization

Building on the most important theoretical tools from the literatures on social movements and nationalism, we propose a model of the intensity of nationalist political behavior in which a community's means, motives, and opportunities assume the central roles in the initiation and escalation of nationalist contentious politics. We then test this model using multinomial logit on original data from the seventeen autonomous communities of Spain over a twenty-year period. The results demonstrate that the means, motives, and opportunities assume vital, yet nonlinear, roles in determining a community's level of electoral, violent, and nonviolent contentious activity. The findings also show that there are crucial differences in what accounts for the moves to electoral contention, to protest, and to rebellion. Several of these factors are uniformly escalatory on the intensity of contention—especially repression, social mobilization, and regime change—while others, most importantly democracy, have a moderating effect on the generation of conflict. The results further imply processes of a diffusion of rebellious activities and of an organizational-level substitution effect between violent and nonviolent forms of political behavior. At the aggregate community level, however, escalation in contention involves a “cumulative effect” rather than a classic “substitution effect.”     

近代国人对郑成功形象的塑造与精神的传承——以报刊文献中的郑成功传记为中心

晚清以前，郑成功正面至多是以“遗民忠义”的“忠烈”形象受人景仰。19世纪末20世纪初，随着西方民族主义思潮的传人，革命者开始用近代民族国家的视角重新塑造和认识中国既往的历史。郑成功因其“排满驱荷开拓台湾”的历史功绩及极富传奇色彩的生平，尤被晚清革命者所看重。在后者的阐释下，作为“反清英雄”的代表人物之一，郑成功形象发生“近代转型”，既迎合了反清革命宣传的需要，又是重构民族历史的重要组成部分。民国成立后，郑成功的英雄形象融入了国人的历史记忆之中，因应时代的需求，一直成为激励国人奋发图强、救亡图存的精神资源。抗战胜利后，郑成功又被作为光复台湾的精神象征而受到国人的进一步推崇。     

THE INDIAN CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY AND THE MAKING OF HINDUS AND MUSLIMS IN JAMMU AND KASHMIR

Article 370 of the Indian constitution gives the northern province of Jammu and Kashmir special status within the union. Today that provision forms a nucleus of fierce political contention between secularists and religious nationalists in India, despite the manifest whittling down of the article's most significant aspects. This development is counterintuitive: the original intent of the article's introduction had no relation to questions of religion. This essay attempts to understand this unanticipated role, as a marker of the state's secularity or lack thereof, the article has come to play in Indian politics. It contends that the seeds were sown even at the time of shaping the Indian constitution of a perspective that viewed the people of Jammu and Kashmir according to their religious affiliations.     

To revise or not to revise: the ‘peace constitution’, pro-revision movement,and Japan's national identity

Why do conservative nationalists in Japan continuously seek to revise the constitution despite the past failures, and what is the likelihood of successful revision and its impact on Japan's norm of pacifism and its use of force? The article offers an analytical framework for the issue based on national pride and national security, and argues that the ‘revisionists’ seek to create a new national identity, one that infuses a greater sense of national pride among the public and enables the exercise of collective self-defense, thereby removing Japan's postwar psychological and institutional limitations on nationalism and military activities. The LDP's 2012 draft is most explicit and ambitious in this regard, with the current revision attempt under Abe having the highest chance of success since the 1950s. Successful revision would significantly expand Japan's security activities, particularly within the framework of the US–Japan Security Alliance, and entail the end of Japan's unique postwar institutionalized pacifism, although the norm of pacifism will linger on as a constitutional principle. For a smoother return to the international military scene, the Japanese government must distance itself from historical revisionism and utilize its enhanced military role to promote regional public goods rather than merely protecting its narrow national interests.     

The uses of history by the Polish democratic opposition in the late 1970s

During the late 1970s, members of the Polish democratic opposition revised and reinterpreted key elements in the Polish past in support of their contemporary ideas about Polish society and opposition. The birth of the independent press in Poland in 1976 provided these debates with a medium for wide dissemination and discussion. Analysis of democratic opposition debates in the independent press on the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, historic Polish–Russian relations, and the struggle for and achievement of independence in the early twentieth century shed light on the ways in which the democratic opposition perceived Polish society and the legacy of tolerance, diversity, nationalism, and socialism within it. It also reveals the major divisions within the democratic opposition and its primary tactical proposals prior to the birth of the Solidarity trade union in 1980. Forty years later, these debates continue to reverberate.