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1.
何志全  窦忠英 《中国兽医科学》2006,36(12):1013-1018
为探讨不同激活剂的卵母细胞孤雌激活效果及激活胚体外发育情况,用乙醇、Ca-A23187、SrCl2、6-DMAP及CB分别对小鼠卵母细胞进行了激活处理。结果显示,70 mL/L乙醇刺激小鼠卵母细胞时,以激活5~7 min的激活效果及孤雌胚发育较好,桑囊胚发育率可达29.11%;用SrCl2激活小鼠卵母细胞时,6~10 mmol/L为最佳处理浓度,3~6 h为最佳激活时间,桑囊胚发育率可达16.67%;以70 mL/L乙醇激活5 min,再用2 mmol/L 6-DMAP 5μg/mL CB激活3 h效果最佳,桑囊胚发育率高达35.77%。研究证实,小鼠卵母细胞经乙醇、6-DMAP和CB等复合激活后能较好地发育。  相似文献   
2.
二十世纪八十年代后,毒品在中国又开始死灰复燃。针对日益严重的毒品违法犯罪,国家制定了一系列法律法规,在禁毒斗争中发挥了巨大作用。但是,由于毒品问题的特殊性和我国国情,仅全国统一禁毒立法还不够,尚需地方立法的细化和补充。本文根据对天津毒品问题的分析和对其他省、市、自治区已有地方禁毒立法的研究比较,指出了制定天津地方禁毒立法的必要性,提出了天津禁毒条例的体系设想,力求为天津的禁毒立法提供某些启示和借鉴,推动我市地方禁毒立法进程。  相似文献   
3.
ABSTRACT

Growing in range and urgency, humanitarian needs now pose increasingly acute questions for national security policy formulation. Whether over forced migration, food scarcity or nefarious electronic penetration, state security preferences face uneasy accommodations with individual needs be it for child survival, basic sustenance or rights to privacy. This paper deliberates a further field of increasingly apparent value contest: that involving the transfer, diversion and lethal use of small arms and light weapons (SALW). After outlining the scale of this phenomenon, existing regulatory mechanisms over SALW transfers are assessed. It is argued that these controls are inadequate, a deficiency that is embedded within a range of inter-linked disjunctions. They are outlined in a model that is evaluated against empirical findings. Where SALW control inadequacy is causally connected to the disjunctive model, it is argued, current levels of SALW-induced casualties are unlikely to abate. The paper concludes by considering feasible options for enhanced management of global SALW proliferation.  相似文献   
4.
Edward Kwon 《亚洲事务》2018,49(3):402-432
This paper analyzes the policy remedies for dealing with North Korea's nuclear weapons and missile programs. After six nuclear tests and three recent successful ICBM tests, North Korea is close to miniaturizing nuclear warheads and establishing a reliable delivery system, thus achieving a much-feared nuclear weapons capability. In defiance of the extraordinarily tough U.N. Security Council resolutions, Pyongyang persists in developing nuclear weapons. North Korea's nuclear weapons program already has exceeded the strategic patience, of the U.S.-ROK alliance. Harsher policy options to deal with the DPRK nuclear weapons are imperative. Several drastic options, including severe sanctions, preventive bombing, nuclear armament of South Korea, are evaluated in the final round of engagement policy on guaranteeing nonaggression and a peace agreement with Pyongyang.  相似文献   
5.
近年来,我国性犯罪出现的一些新情况令人堪忧,需要探索新的治理政策。有的国家采取性犯罪药物防治作为性犯罪的治理手段,值得借鉴。性犯罪药物防治是利用口服或者注射药物方式减少罪犯的雄激素、降低其性欲,达到控制性犯罪目的。有人认为这是残虐、不人道的,侵犯身体健康与性权利。而性犯罪药物防治相比起物理阉割更具人道主义精神,有利于保障基本人权,其尊重受者自由意志,具备一定的社会容忍度,执行方式高效经济。但此种手段需要加以本土化改造,需要规范法律术语,明确刑法性质与适用对象,细化执行程序。  相似文献   
6.
X-ray photoelectron spectroscopy (XPS) is a widely used technique to characterize the surface chemistry of materials. It plays a crucial role in accessing qualitative and quantitative information and in detecting the presence of chemical functional groups on the surface of any material. The forensic methods available to detect and identify elements and organic/inorganic compounds are often destructive, so evidence cannot be re-analyzed. However, XPS allows rapid analysis of samples without damaging them. Recently, an increasing number of forensic researchers have begun to study certain chemical information on fingermarks. In this study, the authors aimed to present the applicability and power of XPS imaging in fingermark analysis which can also provide specific information about the fingermark chemical composition. Herein, monochromated X-ray (Al Kα) spot size was fixed at 50 μm. XPS mapping resulted in the acquisition of spectra at each pixel, in an array of 41 × 30 pixels with a step size of 50 μm. Then, a simple discussion has been made about how the scanned surface spectrum and basic snapshot spectra are used to identify different components at a fingertip of a scanned surface area (~3 mm2). Hence, a fingermark pattern contaminated with caffeine, TiO2, and Pb/PbO deposited on the silicon wafer can be chemically mapped and visualized by XPS using principal component analysis (PCA). Thus, the present study showed the possible applicability of XPS for the identification of illicit drugs of abuse, gunshot residue, and skin care products on latent fingermark by mimicking a crime scene evidence.  相似文献   
7.
从国际法角度析空间武器问题   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
王孔祥 《河北法学》2007,25(6):67-70
美国于2002年退出《弹道导弹条约》,并启动导弹防御计划,使外层空间面临着成为军备竞赛新场所的危险.尽管现有的国际法对空间武器的使用是否合法没有作明文规定,但包括《联合国宪章》等在内的国际法律性文件都试图以法律手段实现外层空间的非军事化;而根据《部分禁止核试验条约》,不允许缔约国进行任何使用核动力的导弹拦截试验;《环境影响公约》和《外空条约》等则禁止出于军事目的或任何其他敌对方式使用空间武器.  相似文献   
8.
ABSTRACT

How do actors come to contest previously uncontested background ideas? This is a difficult question to ask. On the one hand, deep backgrounds seem to be too foundational for actors to transform. Their political efficacy appears to end where ideas constitute their efficacy in the first place. On the other hand, ideas must not be reified. Even deeply taken-for-granted ideas do not always stay the same, and agents have a lot to do with these changes. In order to answer this question, we draw from social theory and rhetorical studies. We conceptualize the deep background as nomos, and the more easily accessible background as endoxa. We then proceed to identify three sets of conditions that make nomic change possible. These relate to opportunity, message, and messenger. Nomic change becomes possible when the need for something new has become widely established and a supply of new nomic ideas is easily available (opportunity); new nomic ideas are ‘smuggled’ into more orthodox and widely resonating arguments (message) as well as rhetorical encounters in which these arguments are made; and advocates are widely recognized as interlocutors (messenger). A plausibility probe of nomic contestation about nuclear governance provides evidence for this framework.  相似文献   
9.
全球安全治理视域下的自主武器军备控制   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1       下载免费PDF全文
随着人工智能的飞速进展,不断智能化的自主武器日益显现出伦理和安全风险,使得限制或禁止自主武器成为全球安全治理领域的新兴议题。相比其他军控对象,自主武器军控进程在过去几年中获得较快推进,其中《特定常规武器公约》会议已决定设立政府专家组专门探讨自主武器问题。文章系统梳理了自主武器军备控制的概念、伦理和安全争议,旨在通过这种梳理更好地理解自主武器军控进程发展的动因,并对这一进程的未来走向做出预测。当前,自主武器军备控制的主要动因集中在道德层面,特别是让机器自主决策杀伤引发的伦理忧虑。而从安全层面看,自主武器蕴涵的安全风险在其他新兴技术领域同样存在,而发展和使用自主武器带来的战略红利依然显著,这使得主要国家推动自主武器军控的意愿并不强烈。在权力政治与道德政治的博弈下,自主武器军控在可预见的时期内将难以形成实质性成果,稍有可能的是通过“软法”等非约束性方式塑造一定的国际规范。在这个过程中,中国可以发挥更加积极主动的作用,在确保战略利益的同时营造有利的大国形象。  相似文献   
10.
《Labor History》2012,53(6):646-665
ABSTRACT

In the literature on industrial conflict, the Italy of the 1950s is often described as marked by worker acquiescence and an absence of conflict, ensured by high unemployment and the severe repression of union activism. My research challenges this. While formal, organized collective action subsided, workers continued to show their defiance and opposition to factory authorities by means of diverse acts of individual resistance that have escaped scholarly study. Drawing on anthropological theory, particularly Scott’s notion of ‘weapons of the weak’ – the strategies used by subordinate classes when facing heavy repression or lack of resources – this article undertakes an innovative analysis of the use of insults, irreverent behaviour, rumours and mockery of foremen and bosses to undermine the authority and legitimacy of factory hierarchies. It casts new light on the protest cultures and practices of Italian workers in the 1950s and improves our understanding of post-1945 industrial conflict.  相似文献   
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