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1.
Hon. Linda Dessau 《Family Court Review》2005,43(2):266-269
In this commentary, the call for clinical humility and judicial vigilance in custody recommendations is confirmed as valid and the Australian experience, where the child custody report writer has for some years been permitted to express an opinion on the ultimate issue, is considered. The inherent risks are briefly discussed, and the question of who of the judge and the social scientist might be better placed to decide the exquisitely difficult children's issues after family breakdown is touched upon. It suggests that a combination of the expert's opinion and judicial fact finding probably produces a result that is as good as it gets. But a greater danger is highlighted. It is the impact of the adversary system, and whether it is suitable in any event to these sensitive court decisions. 相似文献
2.
本从宪政架构、人事机构、人事制度三个方面,分析了台湾现行官制度存在的问题,并提出政府管理企业化、协调各机关关系、完善法制建设等改革建议。 相似文献
3.
This paper presents findings from a national survey of ‘potential’ first time voters at the 2001 British general election. It investigates these young people's awareness of the advertising used by the main political parties during this election. Overall what emerges is a young electorate aware of the advertising, who were interested in the election itself and nearly half of whom say they voted in it. Consequently the findings reject the notion that young people are generically unaware of and disinterested in party political messages. In addition the findings indicate that the political parties' print advertisements—to some degree—are penetrating the first layer of young people's message processing, suggesting they are a useful aid in capturing the youth vote. Copyright © 2003 Henry Stewart Publications 相似文献
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There has been a recent resurgence of interest in the electoral impact of constituency campaigns in British General Elections. Much is now known about the electoral consequences of local campaigns on parties’ constituency vote shares. Yet more remains to be discovered about the impacts of these local campaigns on voters’ knowledge of parties and candidates. Analysis of data from the 1997 British General Election demonstrates that the local campaign is associated with improved voter knowledge of who is standing for each party in a constituency, which is, in its turn, associated with an increased chance of voting for the party in the election, other things being equal. Campaign efforts at different scales, from the national to the local, have different impacts on voters’ knowledge. 相似文献
6.
The impact of pro-European Union (EU) propaganda campaigns in Britain has been neglected within EU studies and in the recent work on the Europeanisation of political parties, trade unions and the British state. Bringing together the few sources of information that exist, this article documents the three government-organised pro-EU propaganda campaigns of the 1960s and 1970s. It specifically discusses the campaigns in 1962—63 to bolster public support following Britain's first application to join the EU, in 1970—71 to prepare the public for accession, and in 1974—75 to ensure continued membership in the 1975 Referendum. 相似文献
7.
Manipulative mixed messages from candidates to voters affect what governments are entitled to do in office. A party that wins an election gains a 'mandate to rule'. But there is a second type of mandate: a 'policy mandate' to enact specific policy proposals central to the winning party's campaign. Mixed-message politics in general can undermine policy mandates, and the use of 'dog whistle politics' - telling one group of voters one thing, while allowing or encouraging another group to believe another - makes the inferring of policy mandates especially problematic. Referendums provide only a partial remedy to dog whistle politics. Winning a clear policy mandate means forgoing dog whistle politics, despite the short term electoral advantage they may deliver. 相似文献
8.
日本近代政党政治家原敬(1856—1921)的中国观具有典型的时代烙印,即"适时适机"地从中国牟取利权。同时,原敬的中国观亦有其独特的思维模式和见解:"对清政略即对欧政略,对欧政略即护国政略。"另一方面,原敬在这一时期已经将目光更多地转向日本资本主义在中国的经济利益。从重视经济利益和国际竞争的角度出发,原敬认为日本在外交上不能采取强硬的举措,要注意和中国官民"友好相处",在中国维持一种对日本而言比较和平的氛围。 相似文献
9.
Lee H. Igel 《Society》2008,45(6):512-514
Most people mistakenly assume that health care first became a major political issue in 1945 because President Harry S. Truman’s
special address to Congress on Nov. 19 of that year marked the first time a sitting president publicly endorsed a national
health-care program. But the question of whether—or to what extent—it is the responsibility of government to subsidize health
care for its citizens has been around for a much longer amount of time. Now that health care has become a major focus of domestic
political debate, especially in light of the impending presidential election, this article, modified from an entry in the
forthcoming Encyclopedia of Campaigns, Elections, & Electoral Behavior (Sage Publications), serves to inform the reader of the origins and history of health care as a campaign issue.
相似文献
Lee H. IgelEmail: |
10.
邰明福 《中国青年政治学院学报》2001,20(6):25-27
西部大开发,人才是关键.培养造就一支适应新形势新任务要求的少数民族干部队伍,是关系全局、人具有战略意义的紧迫任务.在对少数民族青年干部培训工作中要把握好五个方面教学内容要有较强的针对性和实效性;解放思想,更新观念,树立创新意识;加强民族政策与民族团结教育;尊重民族风俗习惯;组织好参观考察活动. 相似文献