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1.
Felice Carabellese M.D. Alan R. Felthous M.D. Donatella La Tegola Psy.D. Ph.D. Ilaria Rossetto M.D. Domenico Montalbò M.D. Filippo Franconi M.D. Roberto Catanesi M.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2019,64(5):1438-1443
Various studies have shown that women with psychopathy tend to commit crimes that are less violent than those of psychopathic men. The present study was designed to address the influence of psychopathy on the crimes committed by female offenders. A national sample of female offenders found NGRI or of diminished responsibility and at risk for criminal recidivism (OPG patients) was compared with a sample of female offenders who were convicted and imprisoned. Results of this comparison between the two groups of female offenders indicate that psychopathy is a transversal psychopathological dimension which may or may not be associated with other mental disorders. In both samples, the most commonly reported offenses among women with high PCL‐R scores were minor offenses, not particularly violent, but they appear to be related to typical psychopathic features such as superficial charm, pathological lying, and manipulation. 相似文献
2.
中蒙国际贸易依存度比较分析 总被引:6,自引:4,他引:2
蒙古国计划经济时期与转型时期的对外贸易依存度都较高,但计划经济时期对外贸易依存度保护相对稳定,转型时期的对外贸易依存度周期性波动特征明显;中国已经成为蒙古国最为重要的贸易顺差来源国,双边进出口贸易的相互依赖程度存在不断提高的趋势,波动性较强,面临不平衡性和波动性双重风险;通过双边或者多边贸易协定可以稳定双边贸易关系并控制贸易风险。 相似文献
3.
论循环经济的目标及其规范 总被引:2,自引:2,他引:0
循环经济的目标是生态效应,提高生态经济效率和实行3R原则还难以达到这个目标,需要转换思路,创新设计.循环经济立法以生态效应为导向,构建其法域、部门法和法律关系. 相似文献
4.
Erika J. van Elsas Andreas C. Goldberg Claes H. de Vreese 《Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties》2019,29(3):341-360
EU issue voting in European Parliament elections has been shown to be highly conditional upon levels of EU politicization. The present study analyzes this conditionality over time, hypothesizing that the effect of EU attitudes on EP vote preferences is catalyzed as EP elections draw closer. In contrast to extant cross-sectional post-election studies, we use a four-wave panel study covering the six months leading up to the Dutch EP elections of 2014, differentiating between party groups (pro, anti, mixed) and five EU attitude dimensions. We find that EU issue voting occurs for both anti- and pro-EU parties, but only increases for the latter. For mixed parties we find no effect of EU attitudes, yet their support base shifts in the anti-EU direction as the elections draw closer. The overarching image, however, is one of surprising stability: EU attitudes form a consistent part of EP voting motivations even outside EP election times. 相似文献
5.
Leonardo Marchettoni 《Critical Horizons》2018,19(3):215-232
The aim of this paper is to investigate Brandom’s conception of the objectivity of norms. In Making It Explicit Brandom supports a weak notion of objectivity based on his understanding of the perspectival structure of linguistic practices. In his following works, he resorts to the Hegelian notion of recognition, adding a historical dimension to his account. I contend that this notion of objectivity can be successfully defended against the objections raised by the commentators. In particular, it does not jeopardise the same possibility of communication, as claimed by Habermas and others, unless a strongly objective notion of communication is assumed. However, the paradigm shift from a strong to a weak understanding of objectivity entails a consequent revision of the conception of social criticism. 相似文献
6.
民国时期,通常将个别劳动合同称为劳动契约,而将集体劳动合同称为团体协约。中国劳工立
法较迟,团体协约立法则更晚。国民政府有关团体协约的立法最早可以追溯至 1929 年《劳动法典草案》的编纂,
其后在《工会法》起草过程中也有团体契约权的规定。延至 1930 年,国民政府正式颁行《团体协约法》,这是
中国历史上第一部有关集体劳动合同的专门法律。《团体协约法》的出台因应了当时中国工业化过程中劳资冲
突的实际需求,但也不可避免地存在历史局限。 相似文献
7.
目的 探讨急性心肌缺血和/或再灌流早期不同时间不同区域心肌细胞内原癌基因c-fos mRNA表达变化,为心肌早期缺血死后诊断提供依据。方法 复制心肌早期缺血模型,大鼠分为正常、缺血及缺血再灌流组。采用原位杂交方法结合图像分析与统计学处理方法研究心肌细胞内c-fos mRNA表达情况。结果 缺血10min再灌流30min,部分大鼠再灌流区心肌细胞胞浆内c-fos mRNA弱阳性反应,散在分布。缺血60min再灌流30min时达高峰,120min开始减弱。正常和单纯缺血组中缺血少于60min组未见有阳性表达。HE染色无明显病理改变。结论 原位杂交法检测c-fos mRNA方法灵敏特异,有望成为一项急性心肌缺血/再灌流早期损伤的诊断指标。 相似文献
8.
价格调制制度是具有典型解剖意义的“微缩经济法”,具有突出的“经济性”特质和天然的中枢地位,对经济法的体系建构、规范论、运行论以及方法论的提炼,具有特别的注释和推动作用;而经济法的基本原理,尤其是横断层面的共通性原理,如主体的差异性、权责的不均衡性、经济法的体制构成和实现论、调制绩效原则和协调平衡的理念、经济法上体制分权原理等等,对于价格制度的发展和完善以及价格调制制度与整个经济法及其组成部门之间的整合协调,具有重要的指引和建设作用。两者双向互动,相辅相成。 相似文献
9.
陈海燕 《北京行政学院学报》2006,(3):94-96
平等思想历来是中外思想家所关注和深入研究的大问题,英国近代思想家托尼是研究平等思想的著名学者,他从天赋、平等对待和平等推进等角度极赋见地地论述和阐发了平等思想,他的所有政治构想、经济研究和对社会、历史的探索都是围绕平等展开的。可以说平等是托尼全部政治思想的基础和核心。 相似文献
10.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(5):432-453
ABSTRACT In public the 37th President of the United States did not express hostility or disparagement, or show any signs of religious prejudice towards Jews. But inside the White House, Richard M. Nixon's remarks were often scurrilous. His antisemitism was not casual; it was close to compulsive. And it could be coupled with other seething grievances, for example, towards liberals, radicals, the media, Blacks and Italian-Americans. Yet Nixon controlled his antisemitism. It had no adverse effect on Jewish life, either at home or abroad. The malice that he nurtured remained unmobilized. Apart from a few limited personnel instances (mostly but not completely ignored by Nixon's underlings), it is impossible to connect private resentment to public policy, probably because the barriers to the expression of antisemitism in the United States have been so high. The ugliness of his utterances in the Oval Office revealed his character, but did not extend outward to shape the processes of governance. A disconnect can therefore be discerned between what he felt and how he acted. Most American Jews voted for Nixon's Democratic opponents in 1968 and 1972. But even Jews who voted against him, even those who loathed him, have often acknowledged that Nixon's policies fortified the security of Israel; and he was proud of his support for the Jewish state during the Yom Kippur War. What betrayed Nixon, and what forced him to resign the presidency, was his decision to instal a secret taping system in the Oval Office. When the tapes were played in 1974, he showed himself to be conspiring to obstruct justice. In subsequent years, further exposure of the tapes revealed the extent and intensity of Nixon's antipathy to Jews. The expletives that had to be deleted did much to besmirch the dignity of the office. But such was the stigma the political culture attached to antisemitism that, had his bigotry become public before 1968, Nixon's career would have been over. 相似文献